Međunarodna organizacija rada (International Labour Organisation) jedna je od najstarijih međunarodnih organizacija. Svojom djelatnošću, ponajviše normativnom, pridonijela je razvoju radnoga i socijalnoga prava i njegovu probijanju iz uskih nacionalnih okvira kao i podizanju radno-pravnih standarda na globalnoj razini. Osnivanje ove organizacije kruna je u nastojanju mnogih radnika, sindikalaca, poslodavaca, znanstvenika za organizacijom koja će nastojati stvarati, unaprjeđivati i usavršavati rad i uvjete na radu među državama, ali i poticati dijalog i rješavanje problema između socijalnih partnera radnika, poslodavaca i države. MOR je prva specijalizirana agencija organizacije Ujedinjenih naroda koja formulira međunarodne standarde rada u obliku konvencija i preporuka koje postavljaju minimalne standarde radnoga prava: slobodu udruživanja, pravo na organiziranje, kolektivno pregovaranje, ukidanje prisilna rada, jednake prilike i jednak tretman te druge standarde kojima se reguliraju uvjeti u cijelome rasponu pitanja u svezi s radom. Također pruža tehničku pomoć u sljedećim područjima: strukovno obrazovanje i strukovna rehabilitacija; politika zapošljavanja; administracija rada; radno pravo i industrijski odnosi; razvijanje menadžmenta; zadruge; socijalna sigurnost; statistika u svezi s radom te sigurnost i zaštita na radu. MOR promiče razvijanje neovisnih poslodavačkih i radničkih organizacija te im osigurava trening i savjetodavne usluge. Unutar sustava Ujedinjenih naroda MOR je jedinstven po svojoj tripartitnoj strukturi u kojoj radnici i poslodavci sudjeluju u radu upravnih organa organizacije kao ravnopravni partneri vladama. Ključne riječi: međunarodna organizacija rada; razvoj radnoga i socijalnoga prava; MOR; radnički pokret; globalizacija; konvencija. Nenad Božiković* Hrvoje Boban** Matej Vuković*** Prethodno priopćenje Preliminary communication UDK: 343.452 Primljeno: 23. prosinca 2021. * dr. sc. Nenad Božiković, Visoka škola Banja Luka College, jbozikovina@gmail.com ** dr. sc. Hrvoje Boban, Sveučilište u Splitu, hboban@gmail.com *** Matej Vuković, Općinski sud Kiseljak 60 Nenad Božiković • Hrvoje Boban • Mate
In: Politička revija: časopis za politikologiju, komunikologiju i primenjenu politiku = Political review : magazine for political science, communications and applied politics, Band 57, Heft 3
Članak je usredotočen na djelovanje međunarodnih organizacija u postkonfliktnim i nestabilnim državama s posebnim prikazom njihove uloge u BiH. Od sredine 1990-ih međunarodne organizacije – kao što su UN, NATO, EU i OESS – angažirane su u BiH u procesu izgradnje države i transformiranja podijeljenoga društva u gospodarski i politički održivu državu. Iako su, uz podršku svih istaknutijih europskih država i SAD-a, međunarodne organizacije postale važan činitelj u slaboj i nefunkcionalnoj državi, njihovo uplitanje nije proizvelo očekivane rezultate. ; The paper is focused on activities of international organizations in postconflict and unstable countries with a special overview of their role in BiH. Since 1990 international organizations – such as UN, NATO, EU and OESS – have been engaged in BiH in the process of building the country and transforming a divided society into economically and politically sustainable country. Although international organizations became an important factor in the weak and non-functional country with the support of all eminent European countries and the USA, their interference has not produced expected results.
It's been 64 years since the European Coal and Steel Community was created, or 58 years from the creation of the European Economic Community and the European Atomic Energy Community. This process of economic and political integration is unprecedented in modern history and represents a major challenge for contemporary concepts of the EU management system. Ways of the policy management and the depth of integration inside EU have changed dramatically since the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty, while the Lisbon Treaty continued integration and maybe announced two opposite processes-deeper integration and the transfer of powers from member states to the EU level, and the overall crisis of EU, especially in light of the institutional and economic crisis. The main question that this paper addresses is whether the developments in recent years have consolidated EU or they have weakened it, or whether these events are part of the solution to the institutional crisis or its cause and if they weakened it, what level of management is formed in EU. The general assumption is that the main indicators of the overall institutional crisis in the EU are: 1. Difficulties in reaching a consensus on the issues of EU development and strengthening of the role of large Member States, 2. Poor representational capacity of the Commission, and 3. The loss of legitimacy in the functioning of the Union. The main way in which this analysis is conducted is a collision of two opposite concepts of policy management in EU, which are seen as a structural causes of the crisis in EU: country-centric policy management, which relies on a theory of liberal institutionalism and the Community method, and then we analyze the main settings of both theories by observing processes in the conduct of policies at various levels in EU. European integration was firstly built on the premise that member states will voluntarily deepen their relationships beyond the initial trade relations in order to establish a common political and social goals, and the integration process has proved to be a good recipe for survival of larger and smaller countries in EU. The Lisbon Treaty placed member states at the heart of European integration primarily through their role in the Council of Ministers, and their national parliaments were given special rights with regard to monitoring the principle of subsidiarity. The influence of member states is evident the most in the European Council, as the leading institution of EU, and the Council of Ministers, and the most important difference in the functioning of the EU member states and their behavior lies in the acronym QMV or a Qualified Majority Voting institute, which sets diplomacy and executive power in a completely new context. With the expansion of EU to 28 member states, the rules have changed, creating new coalitions, a new weight and balance of power and the creation of national interests. New members do not have much experience like the old EU member states, and many of them disagree with supranational tradition in EU. Many do not feel quite at ease because of the structure of power in EU and existing coalitions. The old coalitions are changing and some traditional such as Berlin-Paris axis are slowly dying. We have demonstrated the structural causes of the institutional crisis in EU through the two opposing concepts of the EU system management, the intergovernmental method of governance and supranational management methods. The third management method that has been more and more evident since the mid-nineties of the 20th century, is a system of multilevel governance, that combines the previous two. Such a hybrid control mode hides structural causes of the institutional crisis in EU because the differences between the two main methods of management of the EU system are gradually turning them into contradiction. When we talk about low-representational capacity, we can see that this is a consequence of the predominant role of the member states and a conferred jurisdiction. On the one hand, the national governments are monitoring the executive powers of the Commission, and on the other side after the establishment of a comitology procedure, the Council and the national governments have become part of the whole process. It seems that through this procedure, member states have full control over the Commission, but for them it is much harder to control it in areas where the Commission has exclusive power, for example in the area of competition, state aid, agriculture, trade policy and the internal market. At first glance, it appears that COREPER, yet another modern institution, serves as a meeting of diplomats of the EU member states and which prepares meetings of the Council. However, a deeper analysis of the role of COREPER suggests that it is evident that it is the main decision-making body in EU, which is used for communication with the EU member states. In this sense, the COREPER has evolved from a simple intergovernmental body, informal in its nature, to a de facto decision-maker. Although the original role of COREPER was to prepare the meetings of the Council, the development of these institutions is one of the unrecorded cases of the evolution of institutions in EU. In other words, much of the power, and undefined powers have been transferred into the hands of the Permanent Representatives of the Member States. When we talk about democratic legitimacy in the functioning of the EU, we must bear in mind that this legitimacy has not received specific place in the constitutional structure of the EU. Far greater importance is given to the principle of the rule of law, and a double-line of democratic legitimacy tells us that the EU is not based so much on the role of citizens of the Union, from which it should derive its legitimacy, but that it is based on the treaties between its member states. This dual line is expressed at the institutional level in elections for the European Parliament, which are the only way of voting for policy makers at the EU level. This second line of democratic legitimacy is far more significant, and elections for the European Parliament are second-rate. The only power the Parliament reflects in the influence in EU, is the composition of the Commission. We must also say that the democratic principle in the Lisbon Treaty replaced the principle of democracy, and instead it was replaced by the primacy of them the transparency, representativeness, public debate and flexibility. The executive power has been predominant in EU since its creation, which produced huge consequences at a European level especially with regard to the management and the legitimacy of the institutions of the EU, but also at the national level because of the large transfer of competences to EU. In addition, we must add the conceptual diversity or heterogenity of European political demos because it is not one nation, but nations, and thus the logical question of how EU can submit diversity in light of the current institutional crisis. The legitimacy of EU is measured primarily through benefits of integration, represented by the concept of output rather than input-and, what is at the root of the entire crisis, is the fact that EU citizens simply do not base their relationship with the EU institutions on previous confidence but the expected benefits instead. This leads directly to the EU civil clientelism, rather than democracy, a concept that will only temporarily, or situationally determine the functioning of EU, because it is not a permanent solution. ; Prošle su 64 godine od kada je stvorena Evropska zajednica za ugalj i čelik, odnosno 58 godina od stvaranja Evropske ekonomske zajednice i Evropske zajednice za atomsku energiju. Ovaj proces ekonomske i političke integracije je bez presedana u modernoj istoriji i predstavlja veliki izazov za savremene koncepte upravljanja sistemom EU. Načini vođenja politika i dubina integracije u EU su se dramatično promenili još od usvajanja Ugovora iz Mastrihta, dok je Lisabonski ugovor nastavio procese integracije i možda najavio dva suprotna procesa-dublju integraciju i prenošenje nadležnosti sa država članica na nivo EU, i sveukupnu krizu EU, naročito u svetlu institucionalne i ekonomske krize. Glavno pitanje kojim se rad bavi je da li su dešavanja proteklih godina konsolidovala EU ili su je oslabila, odnosno da li su ta dešavanja deo rešenja postojeće institucionalne krize ili su njen uzrok i ako su je oslabila, kakav nivo upravljanja se formira u EU. Opšta pretpostavka je da su glavni pokazatelji sveukupne institucionalne krize u EU oličeni u: 1. Teškoćama prilikom postizanja konsenzusa o najvažnijim pitanjima razvoja EU i jačanju uloge velikih država članica, 2. Slabom predstavljačkom kapacitetu Komisije, i 3. Gubitku legitimiteta u funkcionisanju Unije. Osnovni način na koji će se ova analiza sprovesti je sudaranje dva suprotstavljena koncepta upravljanja politikama u EU, koji su prepoznati kao strukturni uzroci krize u EU-državo-centričkog načina upravljanja politikama, koji se oslanja na teoriju liberalnog institucionalizma i metoda Zajednice, a zatim ćemo analizirati glavne postavke obe teorije posmatrajući procese u vođenju politika na različitim nivoima u EU.
Nowadays civilization profile is, by all means, marked with dynamic, brutal and unfortunately efficient organized criminal activity. Its international prefix, surely, contribute to increasing of social endangering to the detriment of a state and an individual just as to the state and private property. In this article, we try to recognize as society response to the constant presence of enemy of its fundamental values, the existing of international police organization running worldwide, continentally and regionally. To understand their role completely, there will be made an overview to the historical aspects of their origin and development, just like to the historical episodes of them being misused. Focused on world level we will explore the importance of International Criminal Police Organization - INTERPOL, analyze European, African, Asian, Latino American, Central American, Pan-American and Pacific police organization, continentally and stress out the purpose of international organization of SECI, regionally. We think that the international police organizations' ranges combating, after all, organized criminal activities, make essential impact on protection of basic human rights and liberties, just as on stability and prosperity of international relations seeing through regional, continental and world perspectives. ; Savremeni profil civilizacije neizostavno je obeležen dinamičnom, brutalnom i nažalost efikasnom organizovanom kriminalnom aktivnošću. Njen međunarodni prefiks, svakako, doprinosi uvećanju stepena društvene opasnosti po državu i pojedinca odnosno štete koju izaziva na državnim i privatnim dobrima. Odgovor društva na konstantno prisustvo neprijatelja njegovih osnovnih vrednosti, u ovom članku, pokušavamo da pronađemo u postojanju međunarodnih policijskih organizacija, koje deluju na svetskom, kontinentalnom i regionalnom nivou. Kako bi njihova uloga bila shvaćena što potpunije biće prikazan i osvrt na istorijat njihovog nastanka i razvoja, kao i na one istorijske epizode u kojima su neke od predmetnih međunarodnih policijskih organizacija bile zloupotrebljene. Na svetskom nivou razmatraćemo značaj međunarodne organizacije kriminalističke policije INTERPOL, na kontinentalnom planu analiziraćemo evropske afričke, azijske, latinoameričke, centralnoameričke, panameričke i pacifičke policijske organizacije, dok ćemo se na regionalnom planu usredsrediti na svrhu međunarodne organizacije SECI. Mišljenja smo da su dometi ovih međunarodnih policijskih organizacija, u borbi protiv, pre svega, organizovane kriminalne aktivnosti, od presudne važnosti za zaštitu kako osnovnih ljudskih prava i sloboda, tako i stabilnosti i prosperiteta međunarodnih odnosa u regionalnoj, kontinentalnoj i svetskoj perspektivi.
A need to do research work is included in the activities of a number of international organizations and institutions in the field of social policy. The United Nations and their specialized institutions organize and support international technical aid and cooperation, exchange of information, follow up and examination of phenomena of importance for the social situation in the world and publish the research results. In the present article have been analyzed the activities of the UN Research Institute for Social Development which has been engaged in research on social developments in the world for more than forty years. ; Niz međunarodnih organizacija i institucija, u sklopu svoje delatnosti u oblasti socijalne politike, imaju potrebu za istraživanjem. Ujedinjene nacije i njene specijalizovane institucije organizuju i podstiču međunarodnu tehničku pomoć i saradnju, razmenu informacija, praćenje i proučavanje pojava od značaja za socijalnu situaciju u svetu i publikuju rezultate istraživanja. U radu se razmatraju aktivnosti Instituta za istraživanje socijalnog razvoja UN, koji se više od četrdeset godina bavi istraživanjem socijalne situacije u svetu.
Koncept ljudske sigurnosti prvi put je istaknut u izvješću UNDP-a (United Nations Development Programme: Razvojni program Ujedinjenih naroda) 1994. i bazira se na slobodi od oskudice (freedom from want) i slobodi od straha (freedom from fear). Na Svjetskom samitu o hrani (World Food Summit) 1996. sigurnost hrane je definirana na način koji naglašava dostupnost hrane, pristup hrani te korištenje i stabilnost kao ključne dimenzije sigurnosti hrane. Iako najčešće nije jedini uzrok sukoba, nesigurnost hrane predstavlja sigurnosnu prijetnju jer služi kao pokretač nasilnog djelovanja. Glad i nesigurnost hrane povećavaju vjerojatnost da će doći do prosvjeda i nereda što potiče nesigurnost među stanovništvom i ostavlja dugotrajne posljedice na cjelokupan razvoj zajednice. S druge strane, sukobi uzrokuju degradaciju okoliša, raspad ekonomije i prisilno raseljavanje stanovništva što u konačnici uzrokuje glad i, naposljetku, bolest i smrt. U posljednjem desetljeću mnoge zemlje ulažu napore u provođenje zakona i strategija usmjerenih na rješavanje problema gladi. Nastoji se potaknuti i društvene skupine da aktivno sudjeluju kako bi uz pomoć međunarodne zajednice unaprijedili sigurnost hrane i osigurali pozitivne transformacije. ; The concept of human security was first highlighted in the UNDP report of 1994 and is based on two freedoms; freedom from want and freedom from fear. The widely accepted World Food Summit definition from 1996 emphasizes the importance of food availability, food access, food use and stability of food as key dimensions of food security. Although usually not the only cause of conflict, food insecurity represents a security threat since it serves as an initiator of violent actions. The presence of hunger and food insecurity increase the probability of protests and riots, which further causes insecurity among the population and leaves long-term consequences to the overall development of the community. On the other hand, conflicts cause the degradation of environment, economic disruption, forced displacement of the population which, in the end, causes hunger and ultimately disease and death. In the last decade, many countries have invested their efforts in law enforcement and strategies aimed at solving the problem of hunger. Countries also seek to activate social groups for participating actively in cooperation with international communities in order to enhance food security and ensure positive transformation.
The issue of the proceedings concerning the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms is the question who can institute proceedings for the protection of certain human right. Furthermore, it is a question of capability to institute these proceedings in international institutions, which are organs founded under universal and regional conventions to protect and upgrade human rights standards. Conditions for the proceeding, constitution and the work of the international organs, and the proceeding itself has been observed in one universal convention (International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and its organ Human Rights Committee), and tree regional multilateral conventions (African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights - African Commission, American Convention on Human Rights - Inter American Commission and Inter American Court on Human Rights, European Convention on Human Rights - European Commission and European Court on Human Rights, and Permanent European Court for Human Rights envisaged by the Protocol XI). There are tree main mechanisms for the protection of rights guaranteed by these conventions - periodic State reports, communications from a State party to these conventions concerning violation of rights by other State party, and communications or complains from individuals, groups and non governmental organizations, concerning alleged violation of any of the rights set forth in these conventions. States have the obligation to submit reports to the international organs periodically, in most cases once a year: the main element of their content are information on judicial measures for the implementation of obligations formulated by these international instruments. These reports may, beside information, point out problems and elements which can hamper their implementation. State reports are addressed to the organ responsible by the Convention to consider this kind of reports: that can be an organ specially formed by Convention for the protection of human rights (for example, Human Rights Committee formed according to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights), but also an organ of an international organization which created certain convention for the protection of human rights (Inter American Economic and Social Council, according to the American Convention).These four international instruments for the protection of human rights, after analyzing their content, may be classified in two pairs of procedure: the first pair (International Covenant and African Charter) where different procedures may be seen in the case of communication from States and different in the case of individual complaints, and the second pair where procedures are similar in both cases (American Convention and European Convention).According to international instruments for the protection of human rights analyzed in this article, the possibility of the protection for the guaranteed rights becomes efficient. Procedure for the protection may be initiated by States which are party to these instruments, individuals or groups, and conditions for the admissibility of communications are strictly required by the provisions of these conventions. These complaints can be related only to the State which is a party to these instruments (or instrument), and it can be an optional jurisdiction of the organ, when it is necessary to declare their jurisdiction in such cases. Individual complaints may be submitted only by individuals who are nationals of the State party or who are living in the territory of the State party. A new category in individual complaints, introduced by European convention, are non governmental organizations, which are becoming increasingly important in the protection of human rights. Procedure for the protection of the rights guaranteed by these conventions may be lodged only before organs of an international organization in charge of the protection of human rights, or organ established for the action in case of violation of human rights. Nevertheless, a complaint or communication, irrespective of who is lodging it, must fulfill precise conditions to be deemed admissible. A very important moment in these procedures is the possibility for individuals to lodge a complaint, and to point out to the violation of their fundamental rights. In the case of individual complaints procedure, an individual, who is under personal and territorial jurisdiction of a sovereign State, comes out on international scene. Individuals, therefore, gets a unthinkable - to claim that his/her State violated his/her fundamental rights and freedoms. Of course, this is far from the claim that individual has an international personality and that he is a subject of International Public Law, but it can be an initiation of this position. ; Pitanje legitimacije za pokretanje postupka za zaštitu ljudskih prava jeste pitanje ko se sve može pojaviti kao stranka u postupku za zaštitu određenog prava iz korpusa ljudskih prava. Takođe, reč je o sposobnosti da se ovakvi postupci pokreću pred međunarodnim organima koji su posebni organi obrazovani za zaštitu ljudskih prava na osnovu univerzalnih i regionalnih sporazuma o ljudskim pravima, ili pred organima međunarodnih vladinih organizacija koji kao svoja ovlašćenja, između ostalog, imaju i zaštitu pojedinih ljudskih prava. Ispitivani su uslovi legitimacije i sam postupak koje postavljaju pred svoje nadležne organe jedan univerzalni (Međunarodni Pakt o građanskim i političkim pravima pred Komitet za ljudska prava) i tri regionalna multilateralna sporazuma (Afrička povelja o pravima naroda - Afrička komisija za ljudska prava, Američka konvencija o ljudskim pravima - Međuamerička komisija i Međuamerički sud za ljudska prava, Evropska konvencija za zaštitu ljudskih prava i osnovnih sloboda - preko Evropske komisije i Evropskog suda za zaštitu ljudskih prava) kod kojih je utvrđivano ko ima pravo da pokreće postupak pred organima stvorenim ovim sprazumima, pod kojim uslovima, kao i kako sam postupak teče. Tri osnovna mehanizma zaštite prava koja su garantovana ovim sporazumima jesu izveštaji država (mogu se biti bitan izvor informacija o opštoj situaciji ljudskih prava u jednoj državi), pravo predstavke jedne države ugovornice protiv druge države ugovornice, i pravo pojedinaca, grupa ili nevladinih organizacija da traži zaštitu svojih prava od kršenja od strane države ugovornice.
Globalization, internationalization, interdependence and legislation in international relations and international law, which occurred after the end of the Cold war, brought changes into the existence and functioning of international intergovernmental organizations. Their special, autonomous, independent will is getting stronger and is becoming confirmation of their independent legal personality. The main result of the independent roll of international organizations are their decisions, which is why studying and following their internal practice is of crucial importance, although it neglected to a large degree. For that reason, this paper tends to point at several elements of that internal practice, throughout the conducts of members (primarily states) in decision-making and expending competences of the permanent organs, as well as at new phases and new participants in the decision-making process in international organizations. The list of these novelties is certainly not exhausted and new questions arise from the discussion about the responsibility of international organization for their conducts. ; Pod uticajem globalizacije, internacionalizacije, međuzavisnosti i legislacije u međunarodnim odnosima i međunarodnom pravu, do kojih dolazi posle kraja hladnog rata došlo je do promene u postojanju i delovanju međunarodnih vladinih organizacija. Sve je jača njihova posebna, samostalna, nezavisna volja koja postaje potvrda njihove nezavisne pravne ličnosti. Osnovni rezultat samostalne uloge međunarodnih organizacija su njihove odluke, te je izučavanje i praćenje njihove interne prakse od suštinskog značaja, a ukazivanje na nju je u velikoj meri zanemareno. Zato smo u ovom radu probali da ukažemo na nekoliko elemenata te interne prakse, kroz ponašanje članica (pre svega država) u odlučivanju, širenju nadležnosti stalnih organa, kao i na nove faze i nove učesnike u procesu odlučivanja u međunarodnim organizacijama. Lista uočenih novina svakako ovim nije iscrpljena, a nova pitanja pokreće i rasprava o odgovornosti međunarodnih organizacija za delovanje.
Nakon Hladnoga rata pojavila se nova sigurnosna prijetnja: zbog propalih država koje ne mogu kontrolirati vlastiti teritorij, širenje nestabilnosti postala je realna opasnost. Da bi se to spriječilo, angažirane su međunarodne organizacije radi uspostavljanja stabilnoga društva u slabim državama. Izgradnja države zahtjevniji je posao od izgradnje javnih ustanova i pretpostavlja stvaranje političkih, gospodarskih i vojnih uvjeta za održavanje trajnoga mira. Politički se analitičari ne mogu usuglasiti oko pitanja vezanoga za međunarodno sponzoriranu izgradnju države; jedni to nazivaju neokolonijalizmom, dok drugi tvrde da je proces izgradnje države nužan ne samo zbog sigurnosnih nego i humanitarnih razloga. Dva tipična primjera izgradnje države jesu Kosovo i Irak – obje su prošle rat i rušenje institucija vlasti. Na Kosovu je glavnu ulogu preuzeo UN, dok je u Iraku proces izgradnje države preuzeo SAD. U ovom se članku analizom izgradnje države u Iraku i Kosovu nastoje prikazati razlike u pristupu UN-a s jedne i SAD-a s druge strane. ; New security threat appeared after the Cold War: expanding of instability became a real danger because of ruined countries which cannot control their own territory. Developing a country is a more demanding work than developing public institutions; that requires creating political, economic and military conditions for keeping permanent peace. Political analysts cannot agree on the issue related to internationally sponsored developing of countries; some call it neocolonialism, while the others say that process of developing the country is necessary not only because of security but also because of humanitarian reasons. Two typical examples of developing the country are Kosovo and Iraq – both went through the war and destroying authorities. UN took over the main role in Kosovo, while the USA took over the process of developing the country in Iraq. In this paper analysis of developing the country in Iraq and Kosovo served for showing differences in UN approach from one side and the USA approach from the other side.
U sklopu internacionalizacije političke podrške porodici i roditeljstvu značajna uloga pripada međunarodnim organizacijama, kao što su Svetska banka, Organizacija za ekonomsku saradnju i razvoj i Evropska unija. Cilj ovog rada predstavlja analiza konceptualizacije roditeljstva u zvaničnim dokumentima i relevantnim publikacijama ovih organizacija u poslednje dve decenije, kao i njene pedagoške implikacije razmatrane sa stanovišta kritičke teorije. Metodom analize sadržaja u istraživanju je utvrđeno da se roditeljstvo konceptualizuje kao skup veština usmerenih na postizanje predvidivih ishoda dečjeg razvoja. Roditeljske veštine sagledavaju se kao jedna vrsta socijalne investicije. Ulaganje u učenje roditeljskih veština donosi dugoročne koristi pojedincima i društvu koje prevazilaze inicijalne troškove. Iako se teorijska orijentacija ne eksplicira u međunarodnoj političkoj agendi, jasno se može zaključiti da je zasnovana na postavkama teorije ljudskog kapitala. Na osnovu obavljenog istraživanja može se konstatovati da roditeljska uloga u pomenutoj agendi ima ključni značaj u obezbeđivanju podsticajne sredine za učenje deteta i njegov ukupni budući prosperitet, nezavisno od sistemskih ili strukturnih karakteristika društva. Ona je višedimenzionalna i može se opisati kao: (a) instrumentalna, jer predstavlja ključni faktor rešavanja društvenih problema velikih razmera; fokus nije na inherentnoj vrednosti "biti roditelj", već na funkcionalnoj vrednosti – "obavljati posao roditelja"; (b) globalno normativno određena u smislu "pozitivnog" ili "dobrog" roditeljstva i (c) suštinski vulnerabilna, što znači da je svim roditeljima potrebna određena vrsta ekspertske podrške, a ne samo targetiranim grupama. Sa stanovišta kritičke teorije, pedagoška kritika ovih postavki dovodi u pitanje tendenciju instrumentalizacije, dekontekstualizacije i "profesionalizacije roditeljstva". ; Within internationalization of political support to family and parenting, significant role belongs to international organizations such as the World Bank, the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development and the European Union. The goal of this paper is the analysis of parenting conceptualization in official documents and relevant publications of these organizations. The parenting is conceptualized as the set of skills directed to fostering the predictable outcomes of children's development. The parenting skills are perceived as a type of social investment. The investment into learning parenting skills brings long-term benefits both to individuals and society, which surpass the initial costs. The significance of parenting competences is of a special importance in the period of early childhood and adolescence for two reasons. The first one is that there are critical periods in encouraging development of certain outcomes in children, and the second one is cumulativeness of learning process due to which the missed opportunities may decrease efficiency of future learning during life cycle. It is viewed that the parenting role is of crucial significance in providing a stimulating environment for a child's learning and his/her comprehensive future prosperity regardless of the system or structural characteristics of a society. It is multidimensional and can be described as: (a) instrumental, since it represents the key factor in resolving large-scale social problems. The focus is not on inherent value of "being a parent" but on functional value – "performing a job of a parent"; (b) normatively specified on the global level in the sense of "positive" or "good" parenting and (c) essentially vulnerable, which means that all parents need a certain type of professional support and not only the targeted groups. Pedagogical critique of these postulates questions the tendency of instrumentalisation, de-contextualization and "professionalization of parenting". ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"
This paper presents the author's attempt to research the system and normative documents concerning international cooperation in a state of emergency, as well as international cooperation policy of the Republic of Serbia. The paper gives details on the modes of international cooperation and partnership in a state of emergency caused by the natural and technological disasters or by technical devices. Since during a state of emergency states' borders become porous, international cooperation is necessary. Therefore, states found international organizations and associations, or become their members in order to improve knowledge, mutually take actions and provide humanitarian aid for the duration of a state of emergency. After all the crises it underwent in the past, the Republic of Serbia has been making efforts to institute and improve the national security and rescue response system in a state of emergency as well as to develop international cooperation in this field. ; Ovaj rad je pokušaj autora da istraži sistem i normativna dokumenta međunarodne saradnje u vanrednim situacijama, kao i politiku međunarodne saradnje Republike Srbije u toj oblasti. U ovom radu se objašnjavaju načini međunarodne saradnje i udruživanja u oblasti vanrednih situacija prirodnog i tehničko-tehnološkog karaktera. Pošto za vanredne situacije državne granice predstavljaju poroznu sredinu, međunarodna saradnja je neophodna. U cilju unapređenja vlastitih znanja, zajedničkog delovanja u slučaju vanrednih situacija i obavljanja poslova humanitarne prirode, države formiraju međunarodne organizacije i udruženja, ili postaju njihove članice. Republika Srbija, posle svih kriza kroz koje je prošla u proteklom periodu, čini značajne napore na uspostavljanju i unapređenju nacionalnog sistema zaštite i spasavanja u vanrednim situacijama, kao i međunarodne saradnje u toj oblasti.
