Suchergebnisse

Analitičko-interpretativnom metodom tekstova iz odabranih tiskovina obrađena je zagrebačka i jugoslavenska tekstilna industrija u razdoblju od 1959. do 1971./1972. godine. Zbog opsega i zahtjevnosti teme obuhvaćena je samo proizvodnja tekstila u metraži, koja je činila temelje i bila glavni proizvod tekstilne industrije šezdesetih godina. Suprotno uvriježenome mišljenju da su šezdesete u Jugoslaviji zlatno doba ekonomije, tekstilne industrije, mode i političkih sloboda, autorice upozoravaju na svakodnevne i strukturne probleme tekstilne industrije. ; In this paper, the authors examine the yard goods industry in Zagreb in the 1960s, in the context of the Yugoslav textile industry. Due to the complexity of the textile industry as a topic, the paper examines a longer period, from the late 1950s to the early 1970s, as it has been accepted in historiography. Using an analytical-interpretative method, qualitative and quantitative results have been obtained from newspapers and journals from 1959 to 1972. A chronological overview of the studied periodicals has shown more clearly the impressions of the political and economic events on the development and business of the textile industry. The influences of the so-called 'small reforms' of 1961, the economic reform of 1965, and the events of 1968 and the subsequent liberalisation process are noticeable. The difference between the first and second half of the 1960s is particularly prominent. The first half was characterised by the production of heavy woollen fabrics for making women's and men's tops, particularly coats. The textile industry was slow to adapt to the market through its reorganisations, i.e. attempts to merge, change product ranges, and switch from heavy to light, artificial fabrics. Simultaneously, there was a reorientation towards foreign markets, which had numerous problems related to the import of poor raw materials and finished fabrics as well as exports aimed at keeping labour costs low. Other significant problems were bonification and the trading of imported textiles on the black market. In the second half of the decade, following international trends, the focus was on producing textiles from artificial fabrics, which were easier to maintain, cheaper, and expressed new social trends, especially making the lives of employed women easier. In the 1965–1971 period, stronger demands to transition to a market-based business model are evident in the yard goods industry, but a strong influence of the state is also visible in various aspects: firstly, through ideology, as there was an effort to achieve full employment, develop industry and cities, which led to overemployment and employment that was not in line with the needs of the market; secondly, through direct interference in business activities via legislations, such as the regulations on compulsory export; thirdly, through the Yugoslav international policy of non-alignment, but maintaining simultaneous economic links with the West, which led to unequal relationships (forced import of large quantities of goods, much of them of poor quality, and cheap exports). Insufficient investment in modernisation, which was the result of income being diverted to salaries, led to a lack of competitiveness on the new consumer market. This paper concludes that, despite all modernisation and liberalisation processes, obsolete technology, an unqualified female workforce, and the lowest income among all industries were permanent problems of the yard goods industry from 1959 to 1971.

The article analyzes the intelectual and institutional history of communication and media studies in Croatia using a mixed methods approach. Content analysis of articles dealing with communication and media topics published in social science journals, as well as all articles in specialized media and communication journals in the period between 1969 and 2011, shows the intelectual history of the discipline, with the comparative position of Politicka misao in the theoretical and methodological development of the discipline. The sample includes 481 articles, consisting of all full original articles dealing with communication and media topics published in odd years. Included are articles published in social science journals -- Nase teme and Kulturni radnik (both discontinued in 1990), Politicka misao, Revija za sociologiju, Drustvena istrazivanja and Informatologia, and in scientific journals devoted exclusively to communication and media studies (all started after 1990) -- Medijska istrazivanja, Medianali, Medijske studije. Institutional approach was employed for increased understanding of processes which influenced the development of the academic discipline of communication and media studies in Croatia. Results show an increase in number, the diversity of topics, theoretical approaches, and the scientific quality of published articles, and highlight institutional problems in the development of the discipline. Adapted from the source document.

The paper presents and analyses the laws and other legal documents as well as standards, guidelines and codes of library profession related to the local history collection creation and development at the public library. The Croatian laws on electronic media and copyright are also analysed because the paper describes the case study of audio materials which were created as part of the radio program of the local radio station. Such materials are local in nature and therefore surely belong to the local history library collection. Since this type of material is not directly regulated in legislation, the paper offers a starting point for such cases to be included in public libraries local history collections. The case study shows the destiny of radio program named U četiri ćoška by Ivan Herman which was aired on the Croatian Radio Županja. ; Rad prikazuje i analizira zakonske i podzakonske akte te standarde, smjernice i pravilnike knjižničarske struke koji se odnose na osnivanje i izgradnju zavičajne zbirke u narodnoj knjižnici. Također, komentiraju se i hrvatski zakoni o elektroničkim medijima i o autorskom pravu jer rad sadržava i studiju slučaja koja se bavi audiograđom, i to onom koja nastaje kao dio radijskoga programa lokalne radijske stanice, a ima visoku odliku zavičajnosti prema kojoj pripada zavičajnoj zbirci. S obzirom na to da takva vrsta građe nije izravno regulirana zakonskim propisima, rad donosi prijedloge rješenja takvih slučaja u korist obogaćivanja fonda zavičajne zbirke narodne knjižnice. Studija slučaja prikazuje sudbinu radijskih emisija Ivana Hermana U četiri ćoška koje su se emitirale na Hrvatskom radiju Županji.Rad prikazuje i analizira zakonske i podzakonske akte te standarde, smjernice i pravilnike knjižničarske struke koji se odnose na osnivanje i izgradnju zavičajne zbirke u narodnoj knjižnici. Također, komentiraju se i hrvatski zakoni o elektroničkim medijima i o autorskom pravu jer rad sadržava i studiju slučaja koja se bavi audiograđom, i to onom koja nastaje kao dio radijskoga programa lokalne radijske stanice, a ima visoku odliku zavičajnosti prema kojoj pripada zavičajnoj zbirci. S obzirom na to da takva vrsta građe nije izravno regulirana zakonskim propisima, rad predstavlja polazište u rješavanju takvih slučaja u korist obogaćivanja fonda zavičajne zbirke narodne knjižnice. Studija slučaja prikazuje sudbinu radijskih emisija Ivana Hermana U četiri ćoška koje su se emitirale na Hrvatskom radiju Županji.

Empirically different (multicultural) Europeans are linked by means of two familiar & historically well-drilled programmatic scripts: the first one is logical-grammatical & the second scientific-technical. The first enables them to express their irreducible empirical differences in the form of a universally comprehensible logical argument that can be democratically decided upon, the second enables them to level all differences by the power of scientific & technical imperatives that disregard the logical & the democratic argument, Eurocracy & Eurotechnocracy operate with calculated scientific algorithms, European citizens & Euro-optimists & Euro-pessimists with analogies of everyday speech & its logical arguments. The communication among the proponents of these two programmatic scripts, among the different media & the different sources of power can be achieved solely by means of translation. However, translation is never going to be completely & totally faithful since the media are incommensurable; hence, mutually selectively it follows that Tertium non datur, or everybody speaks in their own languages heard by all but understood by none, hence the moral: Nenzo contra Europae nisi Europa ipse. 15 References. Adapted from the source document.

El artículo analiza el discurso franquista sobre la presencia de marroquíes musulmanes en el ejército nacional durante la guerra civil española, en relación con la justificación de esta participación hecha por parte del arabista Miguel Asín Palacios (1871-1944). Vincula dicha justificación, hecha durante la posguerra, con la obra académica de Asín Palacios anterior a la guerra, y sostiene que su argumentación respecto a las tropas marroquíes es inseparable de su interpretación histórica sobre los préstamos culturales entre el mundo islámico y el mundo cristiano en la Península Ibérica durante la edad media. La particular visión de Asín Palacios sobre la existencia de afinidades teológicas profundas entre el islam y el catolicismo permitió a la propaganda franquista presentar la participación de tropas musulmanes en la guerra como una cruzada compartida entre ambas religiones frente al materialismo ateo de las fuerzas republicanas.

L'aportació fiscal valenciana a les campanyes sardes de 1353-1355 / Vicent Baydal Sala -- Coronatges i maridatges a la Corona d'Aragó (segles XIV i XV) : el procediment administratiu dels subsidis extraordinaris / Esther Redondo García -- La "protecció", un impost sobre les aljames de jueus reials (1346-1410) / Jaume Riera i Sans -- La contribución de la Iglesia durante la época de Pedro el Ceremonioso a la luz de los registros de tesorería real (1350-1387) / Esther Tello Hernández -- En defensa de la libertad eclesiástica : actuación corporativa del clero de la Tarraconense y recaudación de tallas conciliares en los años que precedieron a la concordia de 1372 / Jordi Morelló Baget -- Els arrendataris dels drets del General des de I'observatori de Girona (ca. 1380-ca. 1440) / Albert Reixach Sala -- La comercialització dels draps de llana a Vic : un exemple de la recapitació dels impostos de la bolla de plom i del segell de cera (1363-1364) / Lluís To Figueras -- Les finances municipals de Barcelona : aproximació a través d'un llibre de clavaria (1414) / Laura Miquel Milian -- Pagar el deute propi i el del General : el cas de Castelló d'Empúries (1371-1372) / Alberto Martí i Arau -- El mercat de les rendes a la Manresa de finals del segle XV : censos i censals / Marc Torras i Serra -- Onzens, dotzens i similars a Cervera durant el segle XV : els intents de crear un nou impost sobre la renda / Pere Verdés Pijuan -- Noves dades seriades per a noves hipòtesis sobre la crisi baixmedieval a Catalunya / Pere Orti Gost -- Cortes, subsidios, fiscalidad y endeudamiento censal : el fogaje de 1374 y el donativo de 1375, y su resolución en el caso del vizcondado de Cardona / Andreu Galera Pedrosa -- Bernat IV de Cabrera y la financiación de las compras de los castillos de Palafolls y Blanes (1382-ca. 1400) / Alejandro Martínez Giralt -- Las villas de Cataluña Vieja y su mercado : una contribución a la historia de una institución señorial (siglos XI-XIV) / Víctor Farías Zurita -- A la recerca de la reacció del feudals davant la crisi baixmedieval : les senyories de la vall d'Aro al segle XV / Xavier Marcó i Masferrer -- Masos i renda feudal en una baronia jurisdiccional : el cas de Caldes de Malavella al seglo XIV / Lluís Sales i Favà -- El círculo virtuoso de Capmany : las relaciones entre la sociedad barcelonesa y la Corona en la Baja Edad Media / Ramon Grau i.

Nesumnjivo, događaji 18, 19 i 20 srpnja 1936. označavaju neke od najistraživanijih povijesnih činjenica nedavne katalonske povijesti. Istovremeno, nakon skoro osamdeset godina, znamo toliko malo o tim događajima. Ishod revolucije 1936. prevazilazi Španjolski građanski rat te njegov kraj koji je rezultirao u četrdeset godina dugoj fašističkoj diktaturi. Ovi događaji proizlaze iz ustanka kojeg su vodili ljudi iz radničkog sloja. Naime, upravo su ljudi koji nisu imali ništa za izgubiti zaustavili vojni prevrat, boreći se metar po metar, ulicu po ulicu praktički nenaoružani te jedino uz pomoć Generalitat de Catalunya jurišnika. Upravo su ljudi koji nisu imali ništa, svojevoljno ušli u milicije s ciljem borbe protiv fašizma Zaragoze. Ljudi koji nisu imali ništa, posebice žene, koje su činile 70% radne snage u tvornicama Barcelone (elektroindustrija, dobavljači vode i plina, tekstilna i drvna industrija, luke, prehrambena industrija, transport ili industrija metala), kao i veći dio ekonomije zemlje (trgovina, distribucija hrane, brijačnice, zabavne emisije, škole, mediji, i sl.). Tijekom tih mjeseci, prvi i možda jedini put u povijesti, žene koje nisu imale ništa osim svojeg dostojanstva, imale su sve. ; Undoubtedly, the events of 18, 19 and 20 July 1936 constitute one of the most excessively interpreted historical facts in recent Catalan history. And, all the same, after eighty years we still know very little about them. The originality of the 1936 social revolution, which was structural and inherent to it, goes beyond the Spanish Civil War and its end in a forty-year long Fascist dictatorship that masked the significance of the revolutionary brunt, or even beyond the tendentious readings from both sides –including the republican sector's internal contradictions-. It stems from an insurrection leaded by its basis, by people from across the working-class neighborhoods of the city of Barcelona. Certainly, it was the people who had nothing –nor anything to lose- who stopped the military coup, inch by inch, street by street, practically unarmed and with the only collaboration of the Generalitat de Catalunya's assault guards. It was the people who had nothing who mainly volunteered to the militias to fight the fascism at Zaragoza. It was the people who had nothing, especially the women, who collectivized around 70% of Barcelona's factories (electrical industry, water and gas supply companies, textile and wood industries, harbors, food industry, transport companies, or metal industry), as well as a great part of the economy of the country (trade, food distribution, barber's shops, entertainment shows, schools, media, croplands, swimming pools, or leisure facilities.). During those months, for the first and perhaps the only time in history, the women who had nothing except their dignity, did have everything. To them I want to dedicate my research and to pay homage.

Tko su naši suvremeni pučki tribuni? Kakva je njihova zastupnička namjera? U čije točno ime govore zastupnici naroda? I kakav ih odaziv zajednice prati? Zastupaju li u istoj mjeri »elitne«, »svenarodske« i vlastite interese unutar šire interpretativne zajednice? Stvara li svako uzimanje zastupničkog ili reprezentacijskog prava ujedno i osobit socijalni otpor (neuključenih ili prozvanih glasova), baš kao i s njime povezane političke progone? Tekst tumači javnu sferu kao dinamičko polje ideologijskih i estetičkih sučeljavanja, s posebnim naglaskom na umjetničko stvaralaštvo Olivera Frljića i Mate Matišića kao aktualnih pučkih tribuna. Obojicu prati licemjerna optužnica za »manjak patriotizma«, premda upravo napor navedenih umjetnika za uvažavanjem socijalno najranjivijih skupina i pojedinaca svjedoči u prilog osobite etike skrbi, samim time i povišene brižnosti prema zajednici kojoj se obraćaju. Tekst također sadrži i kratke razgovore s obojicom umjetnika na temu umjetnosti kao javnog zastupništva i njegovih kriza. ; Who are our contemporary tribuni plebis? What is their representative intent? What kind of communal response they receive, both from »elite« and from »common« interpretative communities? What kind of public resistance and public persecution follow from their choice to speak as the public representatives? The text understands public sphere as a contesting ideological and aesthetical field and therefore approaches works of Oliver Fljić and Mate Matišić as two artists who fiercely challenge the irresponsibility of the Croatian community and insist on public duty of intellectuals and artists to reveal both structural patterns and private schemata of social injustice. The fact that both of them are oftentimes accused in the media for their »lack of patriotism« is viewed as a grotesque form of social hypocrisy, since Matišić and Frljić demonstrate consistent care about the most wounded parts of our political community, therefore building intense field of social empathy and communal ethics of care. Text also includes voices of Mate Matišić and Oliver Frljić in response to the questions the author made.