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This study finds that audience exposure and attention to three media—newspapers, television news, and radio news—are separate dimensions, based on a telephone survey of 234 individuals 18 years old and up in Bloomington, Indiana. The relationships among exposure and attention and knowledge gain, opinion direction, opinion strength, and actual behavior are less clear, although there is evidence that newspapers are more likely to influence cognitive learning while television influences both cognition and attitudes. Radio news was less influential.

Media Impact: Misfits in the Media examines the role of media representations in our society and how they are connected to our political economy. It also investigates the effects of these representations and how they can shape our own views and thoughts. This study is motivated by media representations and the term 'misfit.' I explored the history of these media representations and the impact it has had on today's society. I also evaluated what it means to be a 'misfit' in today's society. Using the television shows Glee, Modern Family, Buffy the Vampire Slayer, and the movie Mean Girls, I explored these elements of being a misfit especially as a woman, trying to fit in, and as a part of the Lesbian/Bisexual/Gay/Transgender community. This study is also motivated by the bullying that occurs against 'misfits.' As predicted, most of these instances happen when there is little to no supervision. Another form of bullying happens because of homophobia. Homophobia is used to control others. The findings offer insights into media representations and how they impact our society, the different effects of bullying, and the roles of the teacher.

The Companion to Media Studies and Digital Humanities is about researching media through new media: for example, playing games to better understand their politics and mechanics, exhibiting new media art to witness how people engage it, building stories to become more familiar with their structures and narratives, making wearable technologies to explore the overlaps between norms and fashion, or developing software to examine its relation to writing and literacy. In this introduction, I survey some tensions and overlaps between media studies and digital humanities and then focus on four key areas of analysis emerging from their intersection in this companion: moving beyond text in digital humanities research, foregrounding the importance of collaboration and laboratories outside of the sciences, underscoring the need for cultural criticism and social justice research when working with technologies, and expanding what "intervention" and "research contribution" mean in a moment obsessed with "doing," "making," and "hacking." I conclude the introduction with an outline and rationale for each of the Companion's five sections: Access, Praxis, Justice; Design, Interface, Interaction; Mediation, Method, Materiality; Remediation, Data, Memory; and Making, Programming, Hacking.

The concepts of media accountability, media criticism and media governance are analysed and discussed in a Swedish setting; how they relate to each other and interact. This is achieved by using various methods – a survey to editors, analy- ses of parliamentary debates, interviews, direct observation and document stu- dies – in studying different stakeholders, media representatives and governance conditions in Sweden during the last 70 years. The findings point in a direction of dynamic complexities with a central role for media criticism. The type, level and intensity of media criticism may affect the functioning of the media governance structure and is a vital part of the media accountability process. The media governance structure – which in addi- tion to media criticism is influenced by international conditions, technological developments and political factors – may in turn affect the media accountability process. In this process, media representatives aim to defend obtained positions of societal influence, achieve and maintain positive PR and enhance editorial quality at the same time. Media criticism may start a substantial media accountability process if the discontent is widespread and not countered by market approval or political iner- tia. The process is facilitated if the critique is connected to more than one frame of accountability and if stakeholders see opportunities for dual objectives. Very strong and widespread media criticism may be difficult for media organizations to neglect. The accountability process in Sweden has become less dependent on corpora- tive negotiations between organized interests and political assemblies. Instead, two other tendencies seem to have emerged: on the one hand a possibility for media organizations to favour such accountability processes that they are able to control, and on the other hand the rise of a rich variety of sometimes short-lived accountability instruments that may develop for specific occasions and are difficult to control.

As we were writing this chapter, the 2020 election campaign in the US was entering its last week before the elections. There are probably few more news-intensive events in the world than the American presidential elections. The smallest and, in other settings, seemingly irrelevant details of a candidate's behaviour and appearance (a slip of the tongue, the way that they laugh or their temporary memory losses) are immediately picked up by cameras and microphones and publicized across news networks and commented on and shared throughout social media networks in a matter of seconds and minutes, possibly affecting people's attitudes towards particular politicians and parties (directly or indirectly).

Abstract
In this article, Åke Pettersson writes about Sweden's only media programme that continued broadcasting without interruption for more than three decades. Called Vår grundade mening for the most part of its life, it ran into some problems in 2007 and came close to shutdown before re-emerging under the name of Publicerat, the appellation Pettersson prefers when talking about his programme. Since its inception in 1981 up to its demise in 2013, the radio programme has worked as 'watchdog' of the media scene in Sweden. Pettersson won several awards for his observations and discussions of media-related issues in Sweden and beyond. A close examination of the about 1500 episodes that he produced, edited and presented can tell volumes about the history of the Swedish media for over three decades. He starts with a few words about his own programme and then moves to the reaction and responses he has received from both public and private media outlets in Sweden. The article dwells on both positive and negative sides that emanate from a radio programme with a critical angle of the media. He touches upon the collaboration he has had as a practitioner with academia, namely, media journalism scholars. The article, although centring on the Swedish media scene, can have a lot of bearing on how the media may get involved in self-criticism to improve conditions and increase public awareness of media-related issues.

Abstract
Based on longitudinal research on the media coverage of terrorist attacks, this article suggests a model of how the coverage of these attacks may be conceptualized as a media event and explores the function this serves within society. The main assumption of the model is that journalists change their ritual of news coverage when dealing with exceptional terrorist attacks; they abandon their usual normative professional frame that encompasses such activities as critical scrutiny of governmental actions, and assume a national-patriotic coverage frame that seeks to reestablish normality and restore order. The model can be useful in clarifying the media's role following terror event. While media run the risk of reinforcing the terror event by giving it the public stage its perpetrators seek, by acting as patriots and not as professionals, journalists subvert the message of the terrorists, so that instead of passing on a message of terror, dread, and alarm, the media give the attacked country and society a message of solidarity, partnership, and stubborn endurance against the terrorist threat. The model may also be useful for understanding media coverage of other crisis situations apart from massive terror attacks.

This article deals with the category of alternative media from a theoretical perspective. It aims to develop a definition and to distinguish different dimensions of alternative media. The article is a contribution to theoretical foundations of alternative media studies. The notion of alternative media as critical media is introduced. Critical media product content shows the suppressed possibilities of existence, antagonisms of reality, and potentials for change. It questions domination, expresses the standpoints of the oppressed and dominated groups and individuals and argues for the advancement of a co-operative society. Critical media product form aims at advancing imagination; it is dialectical because it involves dynamics, non-identity, rupture, and the unexpected. The category of critical media is connected to Negt and Kluge's notion of the counter-public sphere. Critical media can be seen as the communicative dimension of the counter-public sphere.

This is a conference paper. ; The comparative study of media systems and their relationships with political systems has received a substantial amount of attention in recent years, and made significant strides in understanding the diversity of mass communication around the world, along with its causes. Yet, while this systemic approach is important, it offers it offers only a partial insight into diversity of global media landscapes and, more generally, into the social implications of mass communication. To gain a fuller grasp of these implications, we need to start from the premise that socially significant communication extends well beyond the traditional domains of politics, and encompasses the mediation of basic cultural ideals and narratives, as well as the structuring of everyday practices and routines. These include the perceptions of private and public life, the understanding of the nation and its position in the world, the modes of organizing daily routines and everyday spaces, the historical events remembered and celebrated on a mass scale, and much more. To investigate these dimensions, this paper develops a conceptual and analytical framework that conceives of media cultures as patterns of ideas and practices that enable mass mediated meaning formation, and that have distinct spatial and temporal characteristics. These media cultures can vary on a number of dimensions, from the extent to which they seek to serve public or private goals, the degree to which they are open to transnational exchanges, to their modes of engaging with the past, present and future. This framework can be applied to different media and cultural forms, and in diverse political and cultural contexts. By way of illustration, the paper outlines how the framework can be used for the comparative study of (analogue) television cultures.

Explains gatekeeping - the process by which journalists and managers source, filter, and edit content; media stakeholders compete; and governments regulate. Outlines its impact on the media market, policy implications, and steps to control it.

This contribution introduces, from a media education perspective, two concepts which may be useful for further theoretical reflection upon the rich empirical material provided in the other articles of this special issue. The first concept, 'cultures of media practice', refers to habitualized patterns of media practice collectively shared by members of a specific social group. The articles provide many examples of such cultures of media practices, including different 'experiential spaces' such as gender, ethnicity, social class and generation. The second concept, 'media- bildung', covers fundamental changes which people undergo in their attitude towards the subject-matter covered by the media and/or the media itself. In the contributions to this special issue such processes of 'media-bildung'can be identified along with processes of media learning in which people acquire new knowledge and/or develop new skills without transforming their orientations.

Abstract
A growing literature on the impact of "fake news" accusations on legacy news outlets suggests that the use of this
term is part of a much larger trend of increased and delegitimizing media criticism by political actors. However, so far, there is
very little empirical evidence on how prevailing politicians' delegitimizing media criticism really is and under which conditions
it occurs. To fill these gaps, we present results of a content analysis of media-related Facebook postings by Austrian and German
politicians in 2017 (N = 2,921). The results suggest that media criticism, in general, is actually rare and that
about half of it can be described as delegitimizing (i.e., characterized by incivility or absence of argumentation). Most often,
media criticism is used by populist politicians, who accuse "the media" in general of bias and falsehoods.

Abstract
Since the 1960s, there has been a thriving Nordic tradition of media literacy research, pedagogics, and policy on how to best prepare the emerging media citizen for an increasingly mediatised society. Although the Nordic model of media literacy has previously been characterised by connections to Bildung, critical theory, cultural studies, and progressive pedagogics, much of today's understanding of media literacy is associated with a more instrumental understanding of education, with connections to the commercialisation and digitalisation of compulsory education. By suggesting a historisation of the Nordic media literacy tradition, in connection to the Nordic media welfare state, this article opens a debate about the future directions of Nordic media literacy.