Nepali media intend towards neutral projections of their institutional stance covering politics in a balanced way despite a long practiced political parallelism in the country. The media also project both dark and bright sides of Nepalese politics for strengthening democracy in post-conflict period of Nepal. This study has examined editorial contents covered by two leading Nepali newspapers: The Kathmandu Post daily and Nepali Times weekly, both published in English language.
The focus of this research has been to examine the editorials appeared during election campaign of Constitution Assembly, 2008. The study has chosen two dominant framing concepts: thematic vs. episodic framing, in order to explore the phenomenon of media autonomy in the Nepalese context. The findings show a mixed result where the media appear more likely to an instrumentalized phenomenon while projecting government/political parties' policies and decisions. Their issues and activities were framed thematically putting public issues in general context, and also detracting political issues from negative stereotyping in their institutional viewpoints. At the same time, media portray the issues and activities focusing on particular events and occurrences while framing political parties/governments and their leaders with negative attributes of conflict and personalization frame. It can be argued that some external forces such as increasing dispute among political actors and increasing volume of impunity against journalism could be the consequences of media's less likely instrumentalized appearance to political forces.
Abstract This article examines the transformation of the Serbian media landscape over the last two decades, by applying four analytical categories developed for identifying levels of media capture in different national contexts (Dragomir 2019). Implementation of diachronic document analysis provides rich descriptions of the media regulatory capture, grip over public service broadcasters, misuse of state advertising and project-based financing of media content, as well as endurance of state media ownership. Therefore, this study identifies some of the reasons behind recent decline of media freedoms in Serbia, adds elements for finding the right place for Serbia on the map of Central and Eastern European post-communist media transformations, and contributes to the growing literature aimed at understanding media capture in its many forms and variations across the globe.
This article reflects on professionalization of journalism as an element of media autonomy. It briefly presents historical circumstances of emergence and formal attributes of journalistic profession in liberal democracies, arguing that in Serbia (the societies in transition) journalism has not been developed as a profession. Political conflicts over media autonomy are normal steps in professional evolution - they indicate that occupational field scrutinized by journalists should be regulated by internal, professional standards and not by political instruments as is the case in societies without independent media.
Public media's contributions to democracy are well established. Less widely known are the specific policies that make these contributions possible. This study finds that professional autonomy and civic accountability in public media are supported by (1) funding established for multiyear periods; (2) legal charters that restrict partisan government influence while also mandating the provision of diverse, high-quality programming; (3) oversight agencies, whose "arm's length" independence from the government in power is bolstered through staggered terms and the dispersal of authority to make appointments; and (4) audience councils and surveys designed to strengthen links to diverse publics. Public media governed by policies that continue and extend, rather than depart from, these best practices will likely be the most successful in maintaining their civic mission online.
This article examines, by means of a case study, recent trends in media ownership in the Czech Republic and their impact on media pluralism and journalistic autonomy. The analysis focuses mainly on the ever-intensifying processes of ownership concentration and conglomeration, as well as on the presence and rising significance of local media owners, many of whom belong to the Czech business and industry elites. In this context, the article investigates both the allegations and the growing evidence of political and business instrumentalization of the media in the hands of these "industry tycoons." The author argues that this kind of coupling of business, media, and political sectors constitutes an ever more prominent feature of the Czech media system, and can be regarded as an indicator of its gradual "Italianization." Contributing to the debates about the risks of concentrating foreign ownership in the post-transformation media markets, this case study also demonstrates that the increasing power of local media owners certainly does not represent a trouble-free alternative either.
After regaining its independence Lithuania, like other post-soviet states, faced challenges associated with the recognition of the new state and its involvement in the family of old and new democracies. Lithuania made the step from a centralised and highly regulated media system towards decentralisation. Media outlets that had been previously particularly thoroughly regulated by the state had to be transferred to new owners, while the media outlets, which operated according to the model of soviet media, had to shift to democratic models operating in Western countries. The creation of the new media model (system) was driven by the last legislative act approved by the Supreme Council of Lithuania regulating the work of media. The Law on Press and Other Mass Information Media adopted in 1990 banned censorship and limited the influence of the state on the work of the media. When the media outlets were privatised in 1990 they were acquired by their incumbent editors and staff; however several years later the media outlets were sold to new publishers from abroad and Lithuania (Nugaraitė, 2004). The nascent new media system of Lithuania, the striving for freedom of speech and press, as well as the Law on Provision of Information to the Public adopted in 1996 led scientists to take a look at the Lithuanian media system and to analyse the model it belongs to and whether it is independent – separated from different external and internal influences. Discussing the Lithuanian media system, scientist D. Jastramskis concluded that the Lithuanian media system has acquired some of the features of the polarised pluralistic model. In his opinion, the debilitation of commercial media and economic undertakings prevailing in Lithuania through legal and economic measures, the increase of state support for the media, as well as the financial implications of national, municipal and political organisations' advertising orders on the budgets of media organisations determine the dependence of media organisations on the subjects of the political system (Jastramskis, 2011). Media independence and freedom of speech and press are among the key principles for the assurance of democracy in Western societies. Professional autonomy derives from the fundamental function of the media in a democratic society: providing correct and impartial information to society and revealing the diversity of opinions. Professional autonomy is one of the most important criteria of professionalism. Fulfilling the criterion the journalists should control their work themselves and conduct themselves autonomously in editorial offices (Singer, 2007). However, although the journalists make the decisions themselves and possibly control their work, these decisions are affected by greater forces in editorial offices and beyond. Relationships with other players, media institutions and society play a significant role when realising the personal autonomy of the media professional (Harro-Loit, Lauk, Kuutti and Loit, 2012). This paper is aimed at presenting a complex approach to the media autonomy concept, with particular focus on the most real aspects of journalistic activity and the factors affecting them. The paper actualises the notion of media and professional autonomy, introduces the western tradition of journalistic culture and considers the decisions being made and how they affect professional independence in Lithuanian news editorial offices. The practical research part of this paper mostly focuses on the editorial offices operating online. There are several reasons for this: these editorial offices are new and have a budding new organisational culture operating within; hence we assume that journalistic freedom and autonomy should acquire distinctive features there. Based on the findings of the research conducted into the relationships of business and government structures with the media, and the data of the survey of editors and journalists, it can be stated that several factors affect the autonomy of editorial offices and journalists of Lithuanian internet portals: owners of the media outlet; political and business interests of the owners; absence of ethical norms such as documents regulating professional activities; absence of mechanisms for feedback and resolution of conflicts of interests; lack of transparency and impartiality of internet portals; political and business interests; hierarchical structure of the editorial office. Analysis of the information about owners and documents published in internet portals revealed that the editorial offices either do not provide any information about shareholders (owners) altogether or this information is provided to the general public in a laconic and sleek manner. Regardless of the fact that some of the portals provide information that shareholders do not interfere with the work of the editorial office, none of them referred to a mechanism for dissociating the editorial office from the interests of the owners (shareholders). The portals do not provide information about the mechanisms for resolving conflicts (between the readers and the editorial office) operated in the editorial offices. Moreover, there is no information on how the conflicts of editors and journalists pertaining to professional ethics are resolved. The majority of editorial offices (except for Delfi.lt) do not familiarise readers with their work culture. The survey of the journalists and editors of internet media outlets revealed that the editorial offices are not sufficiently autonomous – the majority of those surveyed do not think they work in autonomous editorial offices. The lack of autonomy of editorial offices of the internet portals was also corroborated by the fact that there are topics avoided by journalists and editors alike. Generally they are associated with competitors, politicians or business structures, advertising customers and interests of owners. It can be assumed, based on the corpus of the replies given by editors and journalists that a strong hierarchical structure prevails in editorial offices influencing the individual autonomy of journalists. The overall analysis of the journalist replies shows that the journalists do not complete the texts themselves (texts are corrected; titles are changed). Although the corrections are coordinated with the journalists, the editors make the final decision concerning them. Moreover, the lack of professional autonomy of the journalists is also shown by the fact that journalists are commissioned to write articles, whereas certain articles are removed from the internet space.
This paper was accepted for publication in the journal The International Journal of Press/Politics and the definitive published version is available at http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161212452449. ; This article presents a comparative analysis of the changing patterns of media ownership in ten new EU member states from Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and discusses the implications of these processes for media freedom and autonomy. Briefly outlining the history of internationalization of CEE media markets, it argues that the presence of Western-based multinational companies on the CEE media markets has been recently diminishing rather than further growing. In addition, a different type of actor has been gaining prominence on the CEE media map, unspotted or largely overlooked in most previous analyses, namely, local business elites acquiring stakes in news media. Combining secondary sources and field interviews with media experts and practitioners, this study explores the various practices of business and political instrumentalization of media by their local owners, often resulting in a constrained editorial independence and increasing intertwinement of the systems of media, politics, and economy in the region.
This article is aimed at presenting a complex approach to the media autonomy concept, with a particular focus on the most real aspects of journalistic activity and the factors affecting them. The paper actualizes the notion of media and professional autonomy, introduces the Western tradition of journalistic culture and considers the decisions being made and how they affect professional independence in Lithuanian newsrooms. The practical research part of this piece mostly focuses on newsrooms operating online. Based on the findings of the research conducted on the relationships of business and government structures with the media, and the data of the survey of editors and journalists, it can be stated that several factors affect the autonomy of newsrooms and journalists of Lithuanian internet portals: 1) the owners of a media outlet; 2) the political and business interests of the owners; 3) an absence of ethical norms, such as documents regulating professional activities; 4) an absence of mechanisms for feedback and resolution of conflicts of interests; 5) a lack of transparency and impartiality in internet portals; 6) political and business interests; 7) the hierarchical structure of an editorial office.
This article is aimed at presenting a complex approach to the media autonomy concept, with a particular focus on the most real aspects of journalistic activity and the factors affecting them. The paper actualizes the notion of media and professional autonomy, introduces the Western tradition of journalistic culture and considers the decisions being made and how they affect professional independence in Lithuanian newsrooms. The practical research part of this piece mostly focuses on newsrooms operating online. Based on the findings of the research conducted on the relationships of business and government structures with the media, and the data of the survey of editors and journalists, it can be stated that several factors affect the autonomy of newsrooms and journalists of Lithuanian internet portals: 1) the owners of a media outlet; 2) the political and business interests of the owners; 3) an absence of ethical norms, such as documents regulating professional activities; 4) an absence of mechanisms for feedback and resolution of conflicts of interests; 5) a lack of transparency and impartiality in internet portals; 6) political and business interests; 7) the hierarchical structure of an editorial office.
This article is aimed at presenting a complex approach to the media autonomy concept, with a particular focus on the most real aspects of journalistic activity and the factors affecting them. The paper actualizes the notion of media and professional autonomy, introduces the Western tradition of journalistic culture and considers the decisions being made and how they affect professional independence in Lithuanian newsrooms. The practical research part of this piece mostly focuses on newsrooms operating online. Based on the findings of the research conducted on the relationships of business and government structures with the media, and the data of the survey of editors and journalists, it can be stated that several factors affect the autonomy of newsrooms and journalists of Lithuanian internet portals: 1) the owners of a media outlet; 2) the political and business interests of the owners; 3) an absence of ethical norms, such as documents regulating professional activities; 4) an absence of mechanisms for feedback and resolution of conflicts of interests; 5) a lack of transparency and impartiality in internet portals; 6) political and business interests; 7) the hierarchical structure of an editorial office.
This article is aimed at presenting a complex approach to the media autonomy concept, with a particular focus on the most real aspects of journalistic activity and the factors affecting them. The paper actualizes the notion of media and professional autonomy, introduces the Western tradition of journalistic culture and considers the decisions being made and how they affect professional independence in Lithuanian newsrooms. The practical research part of this piece mostly focuses on newsrooms operating online. Based on the findings of the research conducted on the relationships of business and government structures with the media, and the data of the survey of editors and journalists, it can be stated that several factors affect the autonomy of newsrooms and journalists of Lithuanian internet portals: 1) the owners of a media outlet; 2) the political and business interests of the owners; 3) an absence of ethical norms, such as documents regulating professional activities; 4) an absence of mechanisms for feedback and resolution of conflicts of interests; 5) a lack of transparency and impartiality in internet portals; 6) political and business interests; 7) the hierarchical structure of an editorial office.
This article is aimed at presenting a complex approach to the media autonomy concept, with particular focus on the most real aspects of journalistic activity and the factors affecting them. The paper actualizes the notion of media and professional autonomy, introduces the Western tradition of journalistic culture and considers the decisions being made and how they affect professional independence in Lithuanian newsrooms. The practical research part of this piece mostly focuses on newsrooms operating online. Based on the findings of the research conducted on the relationships of business and government structures with the media, and the data of the survey of editors and journalists, it can be stated that several factors affect the autonomy of newsrooms and journalists of Lithuanian internet portals: 1) the owners of a media outlet; 2) the political and business interests of the owners; 3) an absence of ethical norms, such as documents regulating professional activities; 4) an absence of mechanisms for feedback and resolution of conflicts of interests; 5) a lack of transparency and impartiality in internet portals; 6) political and business interests; 7) the hierarchical structure of an editorial office. An analysis of the information about owners and documents published in internet portals revealed that the editorial offices either do not provide any information about the shareholders (owners) altogether or this information is provided to the general public in a laconic and sleek manner. Regardless of the fact that some of the portals provide information that shareholders do not interfere with the work of the editorial office, none of them referred to a mechanism for dissociating the editorial office from the interests of the owners (shareholders). The portals do not provide information about the mechanisms for resolving conflicts (between the readers and the newsroom) operated in the newsrooms. Moreover, there is no information on how the conflicts of editors and journalists pertaining to professional ethics are resolved. The majority of newsrooms (except for Delfi.lt) do not familiarize readers with their work culture. The survey of the journalists and editors of internet media outlets revealed that the newsrooms are not sufficiently autonomous – the majority of those surveyed do not think they work in autonomous newsrooms. The lack of autonomy of newsrooms of the internet portals was also corroborated by the fact that there are topics avoided by journalists and editors alike. Generally, they are associated with competitors, politicians or business structures, advertising customers and the interests of owners. It can be assumed, based on the corpus of the replies given by editors and journalists, that a strong hierarchical structure prevails in editorial offices influencing the individual autonomy of journalists. The overall analysis of the journalist replies shows that the journalists do not complete the texts themselves (texts are corrected; titles are changed). Although the corrections are coordinated with the journalists, the editors make the final decision concerning them. Moreover, the lack of professional autonomy of the journalists is also shown by the fact that journalists are commissioned to write articles, whereas certain articles are removed from the internet space.
