Suchergebnisse

This study was devoted to the development of the transhumance in Spain, Italy, Southern France, and the Balkan countries. It elaborated an idealtype of evolution of transhumance within the context of medieval European economies. The ideal-type modes of organization range from the integration of sheep raising, in the business cycles of rural communities to the regulations for extensive migratory sheep raising by public institutions. The degrees of spatial interrelatedness, the separation of pastoral production and reproduction from the rural production and living units, and the disposition of the yields from transhumant sheep raising are used as criteria for characterizing each stage. Spatial relations between the places of rural and pastoral productions allege the labelling of the various stages: intra-local sheep raising (use of the common land; no supplementary pastures; division of labour between the members of the rural production unity; the head of the household is authorized to dispose of the surplus); inter-local migratory pastoral economy (supplementary pastures in different village lands; division of labour between shepherd and rural production unity; the shepherd's participation in surplus and income from sales); intra-regional migratory pastoral industry (supplementary pastures beyond the village, but within the same physiographic region; division of labour between shepherd and rural production unity or larger production unities; aside from them, owners of pasture grounds and landowners in regions through which flocks pass during their migrations participate in surplus and income from sales); inter-regional migratory pastoral industry (supplementary pastures in different physiographic regions, division of labour between shepherd and rural or larger economic unities or flock owners; also division of labour within the pastoral production unity; aside from shepherds, peasants, flock owners, owners of pasture grounds, and landowners in regions through which flocks pass during their migrations, the government or similar organizers of transhumance participate in surplus and income from sales).

This study was devoted to the development of the
transhumance in Spain, Italy, Southern France, and the
Balkan countries. It elaborated an idealtype of evolution
of transhumance within the context of medieval European
economies. The ideal-type modes of organization range from
the integration of sheep raising, in the business cycles of
rural communities to the regulations for extensive migratory
sheep raising by public institutions. The degrees of
spatial interrelatedness, the separation of pastoral production
and reproduction from the rural production and
living units, and the disposition of the yields from
transhumant sheep raising are used as criteria for characterizing
each stage. Spatial relations between the places
of rural and pastoral productions allege the labelling of
the various stages: intra-local sheep raising (use of the
common land; no supplementary pastures; division of labour
between the members of the rural production unity; the
head of the household is authorized to dispose of the
surplus); inter-local migratory pastoral economy (supplementary
pastures in different village lands; division of
labour between shepherd and rural production unity; the
shepherd's participation in surplus and income from
sales); intra-regional migratory pastoral industry (supplementary
pastures beyond the village, but within the
same physiographic region; division of labour between
shepherd and rural production unity or larger production
unities; aside from them, owners of pasture grounds and
landowners in regions through which flocks pass during
their migrations participate in surplus and income from
sales); inter-regional migratory pastoral industry (supplementary
pastures in different physiographic regions,
division of labour between shepherd and rural or larger
economic unities or flock owners; also division of labour
within the pastoral production unity; aside from shepherds,
peasants, flock owners, owners of pasture grounds,
and landowners in regions through which flocks pass during
their migrations, the government or similar organizers of
transhumance participate in surplus and income from
sales).

The role of urban churches in the medieval Bailiwick of Brandenburg of the Knights HospitallersIn research the Knighs Hospitallers' Bailiwick of Brandenburg so far mostly has been considered as a regional unit that consisted of commanderies, whose economy mainly based on the agriculture in their estates. The Possession of urban churches, however, ‒ we mean here not only urban parish churches, but also hospital churches and chapels in the urban space in possession of the order ‒ hardly did play a role in historical accounts. The bailiwick, which ranged up to 1370 from the Weser to the Vistula, in the 14th and 15th century included 26 commanderies, but also 20 urban churches, of which 17 lied in immediate towns. In the rectories of the urban churches the Knights put their own priests, which were responsible for the organisation of the entire local church life. Nine of them were subordinated under no commander but only the General Preceptor of the bailwick which could empower them as needed on other churches. As curators ("Pfleger"), the nine priests participated regularly in the chapters of the bailiwick and had the right to vote in all questions and to participate in the elections of the general preceptors. They represented the members of their mostly small priest convents which has been builded at the nine churches. So far we have still little knowlege about these convents. Apparently some of their brethren similar like mendicants moved around as terminarians in the region to raise funds for the order. Foundations of chapels, altars and masses for these churches were of such high importance for the Knights that they discussed about it and decided on their permission on the chapters of the bailiwick. Overall, therefore the urban churches have probably played an important role in the bailiwick and the whole order. Apparently the Knights in raising their ownership of urban churches besides their commanderies created a second economic pillar, which put their response money payment to the total order on a more solid material basis. ; The role of urban churches in the medieval Bailiwick of Brandenburg of the Knights Hospitallers In research the Knighs Hospitallers' Bailiwick of Brandenburg so far mostly has been considered as a regional unit that consisted of commanderies, whose economy mainly based on the agriculture in their estates. The Possession of urban churches, however, ‒ we mean here not only urban parish churches, but also hospital churches and chapels in the urban space in possession of the order ‒ hardly did play a role in historical accounts. The bailiwick, which ranged up to 1370 from the Weser to the Vistula, in the 14th and 15th century included 26 commanderies, but also 20 urban churches, of which 17 lied in immediate towns. In the rectories of the urban churches the Knights put their own priests, which were responsible for the organisation of the entire local church life. Nine of them were subordinated under no commander but only the General Preceptor of the bailwick which could empower them as needed on other churches. As curators (Pfleger), the nine priests participated regularly in the chapters of the bailiwick and had the right to vote in all questions and to participate in the elections of the general preceptors. They represented the members of their mostly small priest convents which has been builded at the nine churches. So far we have still little knowlege about these convents. Apparently some of their brethren similar like mendicants moved around as terminarians in the region to raise funds for the order. Foundations of chapels, altars and masses for these churches were of such high importance for the Knights that they discussed about it and decided on their permission on the chapters of the bailiwick. Overall, therefore the urban churches have probably played an important role in the bailiwick and the whole order. Apparently the Knights in raising their ownership of urban churches besides their commanderies created a second economic pillar, which put their response money payment to the total order on a more solid material basis. ; The role of urban churches in the medieval Bailiwick of Brandenburg of the Knights Hospitallers In research the Knighs Hospitallers' Bailiwick of Brandenburg so far mostly has been considered as a regional unit that consisted of commanderies, whose economy mainly based on the agriculture in their estates. The Possession of urban churches, however, ‒ we mean here not only urban parish churches, but also hospital churches and chapels in the urban space in possession of the order ‒ hardly did play a role in historical accounts. The bailiwick, which ranged up to 1370 from the Weser to the Vistula, in the 14th and 15th century included 26 commanderies, but also 20 urban churches, of which 17 lied in immediate towns. In the rectories of the urban churches the Knights put their own priests, which were responsible for the organisation of the entire local church life. Nine of them were subordinated under no commander but only the General Preceptor of the bailwick which could empower them as needed on other churches. As curators (Pfleger), the nine priests participated regularly in the chapters of the bailiwick and had the right to vote in all questions and to participate in the elections of the general preceptors. They represented the members of their mostly small priest convents which has been builded at the nine churches. So far we have still little knowlege about these convents. Apparently some of their brethren similar like mendicants moved around as terminarians in the region to raise funds for the order. Foundations of chapels, altars and masses for these churches were of such high importance for the Knights that they discussed about it and decided on their permission on the chapters of the bailiwick. Overall, therefore the urban churches have probably played an important role in the bailiwick and the whole order. Apparently the Knights in raising their ownership of urban churches besides their commanderies created a second economic pillar, which put their response money payment to the total order on a more solid material basis.

The role of urban churches in the medieval Bailiwick of Brandenburg of the Knights HospitallersIn research the Knighs Hospitallers' Bailiwick of Brandenburg so far mostly has been considered as a regional unit that consisted of commanderies, whose economy mainly based on the agriculture in their estates. The Possession of urban churches, however, ‒ we mean here not only urban parish churches, but also hospital churches and chapels in the urban space in possession of the order ‒ hardly did play a role in historical accounts. The bailiwick, which ranged up to 1370 from the Weser to the Vistula, in the 14th and 15th century included 26 commanderies, but also 20 urban churches, of which 17 lied in immediate towns. In the rectories of the urban churches the Knights put their own priests, which were responsible for the organisation of the entire local church life. Nine of them were subordinated under no commander but only the General Preceptor of the bailwick which could empower them as needed on other churches. As curators ("Pfleger"), the nine priests participated regularly in the chapters of the bailiwick and had the right to vote in all questions and to participate in the elections of the general preceptors. They represented the members of their mostly small priest convents which has been builded at the nine churches. So far we have still little knowlege about these convents. Apparently some of their brethren similar like mendicants moved around as terminarians in the region to raise funds for the order. Foundations of chapels, altars and masses for these churches were of such high importance for the Knights that they discussed about it and decided on their permission on the chapters of the bailiwick. Overall, therefore the urban churches have probably played an important role in the bailiwick and the whole order. Apparently the Knights in raising their ownership of urban churches besides their commanderies created a second economic pillar, which put their response money payment to the total order on a more solid material basis. ; The role of urban churches in the medieval Bailiwick of Brandenburg of the Knights Hospitallers In research the Knighs Hospitallers' Bailiwick of Brandenburg so far mostly has been considered as a regional unit that consisted of commanderies, whose economy mainly based on the agriculture in their estates. The Possession of urban churches, however, ‒ we mean here not only urban parish churches, but also hospital churches and chapels in the urban space in possession of the order ‒ hardly did play a role in historical accounts. The bailiwick, which ranged up to 1370 from the Weser to the Vistula, in the 14th and 15th century included 26 commanderies, but also 20 urban churches, of which 17 lied in immediate towns. In the rectories of the urban churches the Knights put their own priests, which were responsible for the organisation of the entire local church life. Nine of them were subordinated under no commander but only the General Preceptor of the bailwick which could empower them as needed on other churches. As curators (Pfleger), the nine priests participated regularly in the chapters of the bailiwick and had the right to vote in all questions and to participate in the elections of the general preceptors. They represented the members of their mostly small priest convents which has been builded at the nine churches. So far we have still little knowlege about these convents. Apparently some of their brethren similar like mendicants moved around as terminarians in the region to raise funds for the order. Foundations of chapels, altars and masses for these churches were of such high importance for the Knights that they discussed about it and decided on their permission on the chapters of the bailiwick. Overall, therefore the urban churches have probably played an important role in the bailiwick and the whole order. Apparently the Knights in raising their ownership of urban churches besides their commanderies created a second economic pillar, which put their response money payment to the total order on a more solid material basis. ; The role of urban churches in the medieval Bailiwick of Brandenburg of the Knights Hospitallers In research the Knighs Hospitallers' Bailiwick of Brandenburg so far mostly has been considered as a regional unit that consisted of commanderies, whose economy mainly based on the agriculture in their estates. The Possession of urban churches, however, ‒ we mean here not only urban parish churches, but also hospital churches and chapels in the urban space in possession of the order ‒ hardly did play a role in historical accounts. The bailiwick, which ranged up to 1370 from the Weser to the Vistula, in the 14th and 15th century included 26 commanderies, but also 20 urban churches, of which 17 lied in immediate towns. In the rectories of the urban churches the Knights put their own priests, which were responsible for the organisation of the entire local church life. Nine of them were subordinated under no commander but only the General Preceptor of the bailwick which could empower them as needed on other churches. As curators (Pfleger), the nine priests participated regularly in the chapters of the bailiwick and had the right to vote in all questions and to participate in the elections of the general preceptors. They represented the members of their mostly small priest convents which has been builded at the nine churches. So far we have still little knowlege about these convents. Apparently some of their brethren similar like mendicants moved around as terminarians in the region to raise funds for the order. Foundations of chapels, altars and masses for these churches were of such high importance for the Knights that they discussed about it and decided on their permission on the chapters of the bailiwick. Overall, therefore the urban churches have probably played an important role in the bailiwick and the whole order. Apparently the Knights in raising their ownership of urban churches besides their commanderies created a second economic pillar, which put their response money payment to the total order on a more solid material basis.

Diese Arbeit wählte einen neuen Ansatz, um die Alpen in den Jahren 500 bis 800 zu beschreiben: Anstatt die einzelnen Regionen von Ost nach West - oder umgekehrt - durchzugehen und eine Herrschaftsgeschichte nach der anderen zu schreiben, wurden die relevanten Strukturen erfasst - also Zugriff, Grenzen, Verkehrsrouten, Christentum, Besiedlung, Wirtschaft, regionale Methoden der Machtentfaltung und Identitätsspuren der Bevölkerung. Diese Strukturen wurden miteinander verglichen. Dadurch war es möglich, einen neuen Zugang zu der Transformation der römischen Welt in eine frühmittelalterliche auf alpinem Gebiet zu erlangen. Um das Jahr 500 war die Bevölkerung der Alpen noch eine typisch provinzialrömische, die zwar regionale Unterschiede aufwies, sich aber in wesentlichen Punkten ähnelte: Sprache, Recht, Religion (Christentum) und Sozialstruktur. Ab dem 6. Jh. änderten sich diese Verhältnisse. Zunächst schufen die neuen politischen Bedingungen neue Zugehörigkeiten, die die Alpenprovinzen ab dem 6. Jh. an den Norden, an die Reiche fränkischer Herrschaft angliederten. Es entstanden zahlreiche Grenzpunkte Richtung Süden und später auch Osten, wo sich ab etwa 600 das awarisch-slawische Reich erstreckte. Zeuge der nun entstandenen Grenzen sind zahlreiche Höhenfestungen, eigens eingesetzte Grenztruppen und Talsperren zur Sicherung des Territoriums und der Bevölkerung. Der geänderte Blick brachte auch einige römische Alpen-Topoi zum Verschwinden, etwa den Topos der lebensfeindlichen Alpen oder von dem Gebirge als Mauern Italiens. Weitere Änderungen betrafen die Übergänge. Aus unterschiedlichsten Gründen entstanden neue Wege und alte verloren an Wichtigkeit. Ein Beispiel ist der Mont Cenis, der vor allem aufgrund der wachsenden Pilgerströme von den britischen Inseln den wichtigen römischen Alpenübergang Montgenèvre ersetzte. In den zentralen Alpen erfreute sich Churrätien, nicht zuletzt durch die stabilen politischen Verhältnisse, einer großen Beliebtheit, während Übergänge östlich davon lediglich als Nebenwege wahrgenommen wurden. Ein großer Bruch für die alpinen Menschen bedeuteten die spätantiken Veränderungen der Siedlungsstrukturen, die in allen Provinzen des ehemaligen römischen Reiches stattfanden und auch in den Alpen beobachtet werden können: die alten römischen Städte verloren ihre Substanz und verschwanden teilweise ganz, währenddessen neue Zentren erschaffen wurden, allen voran die Klöster. Einst weniger wichtige Siedlungen, wie das antike Iuvavum/Salzburg, gewannen massiv an Bedeutung, während andere römische Städte wie Teurnia, Aguntum aber auch Octodurum vergingen. Allerdings blieben die jeweiligen Siedlungskammern stets bedeutend - es ging nur die antike Stadtstruktur unter. Eine große Rolle in der Veränderung dieser Siedlungsmuster spielte die Kirche, da Bischofssitze und Kirchen von bedeutenderen Heiligen einen Anziehungspunkt für die lokale Bevölkerung darstellten. Die großen Umwälzungen der spätantiken Wirtschaft betrafen vor allem den transalpinen Handel, da viele Produkte, wie Olivenöl, hochwertige Keramik, Salz und Getreide kaum mehr über die Alpen gebracht wurden. Die lokale Landwirtschaft hingegen, die nur wenig Überschuss für Grundbesitzer und Reisende produzierte, änderte sich zunächst noch wenig. Die Bewirtschaftung mehrerer Höhenstufen bis hin zu den Almen oberhalb der Baumgrenze wurzelt in römischer und vorrömischer Zeit und blieb auch im frühen Mittelalter bestehen. Eine Spezialisierung betraf nur ganz wenige landwirtschaftliche Produkte, beispielsweise Wein und vielleicht Käse oder Wolle. Die lokalen Herrschaftsstrukturen konnten sich in den West- und Zentralalpen kontinuierlich aus ihren spätantiken Wurzeln weiterentwickeln. Im 8. und beginnenden 9. Jh. sprachen die Menschen aus diesem Teil der Alpen immer noch eine romanische Sprache, waren christlich und lebten in einer stark geschichteten Gesellschaftsstruktur, die sich laut Quellen nach spätantiken Rechtsgewohnheiten richtete. Im Gegensatz dazu erlebten die Bewohner der Ostalpen einen deutlichen Kultursprung, denn hier wechselten die Sprache, Religion und die Machtverhältnisse fast gänzlich. ; This book follows a new path of describing the Alps from the years 500 to 800. Instead of running through this mountain range from east to west (or reverse) and writing one local history after the other, relevant patterns were captured: patterns of control, borders, communication routes, Christendom, settlement, economy, local methods to establish power and traces of local identity. Comparing theses structures on an interregional level made it possible to establish a new view on the early medieval alpine regions. By the year 500 the inhabitants of this central European mountain range were typically roman-provincial. Some regional differences existed, yet the main factors were quite similar: language, laws, religion (Christendom) and social structures. From the 6th c. on this changed. New political developments made a large part of the alpine provinces turn northwards to the Frankish realms. As a consequence borders were created within the Alps. Many hilltop settlements and strongholds in the valleys were built to guarantee the security both of population and borders. Militia was installed to control these boundaries; they were either recruited from the local population or got especially settled for these means. This change of view made some Roman topoi disappear: the Alps were no longer regarded as hostile and as the walls of Italy. The routes through the Alps changed. One reason for this was the growing number of pilgrims from the British Isles made the passage through Maurienne and over the Mont Cenis more important than the ancient route via Montgenèvre. The central Alps in Curia remained a highly important point to cross the mountains, whereas more eastwards the once important crossing points became mere backroads. Farther east the Avarian-Slavic conquest caused the sources to silence, nevertheless the communication routes remained visible through archaeological findings and place names. A big change for the alpine population was the transformations in settlement patterns, first of all the diminishing importance of Roman cities. Some of them disappeared completely, such as Teurnia, Aguntum and Octodurum. Nevertheless, the wider settlement areas around these former towns always remained important. New centres emerged. Some had roman roots, for example Iuvavum/Salzburg, others were new foundations, like the numerous cloisters from the 8th c. The church played a significant role in this transformation, as a bishop's see or the burial church of a saint constituted a point of attraction for the local population. The antique transalpine and alpine networks of trade underwent some transitions. Goods like olive oil, high quality pottery and sea salt were no longer brought over the Alps. The eastern alpine ore deposits were not exploited on a grand scale anymore. New natural resources became important, for example the salt deposits in the northern Alps. There are some traces of exported products. The vineyards of the Southern Alps produced vine for export to the north-alpine regions and the central alpine soapstone production supplied the population of the whole mountain range with high quality cookware. In addition to this, products like cheese, wool, honey and lumber might have been exported. Alpine agriculture did not change much. Farming was based on subsistence and the surplus was sold locally to travellers or given to the owners of the land. The use of alpine pastures roots in pre-roman times and was practised continually, although the intensity of the pastoralism is difficult to estimate. Local power structures emerged out of late antique roots. In the 8th and beginning of the 9th c. the population of these parts of the Alps still spoke a roman language, were Christian and lived in a very differentiated social structure whose legal habits were based on roman law. Contrary to that, the eastern Alps saw a major cultural shift that resulted in the Slavic reign of Carantania.

Asien befand sich seit der Antike im Blickfeld der Europäer und war durch mittelalterliche Berichte bekannt. Dennoch zog der Kontinent auch in der Neuzeit im Zuge der europäischen Expansion das Interesse auf sich. Die vorliegende Masterarbeit befasst sich mit der Wahrnehmung Asiens im deutschsprachigen Raum in der zweiten Hälfte des 17. Jahrhunderts. Es wurde die Frage gestellt, welche Themenkomplexe und Vorlagen in die weit verbreiteten Schreibkalender übernommen wurden und damit auch einfacheren Bevölkerungsschichten zugänglich waren.Als Quellengrundlage dienten deutschsprachige Schreibkalender aus dem Zeitraum von 16681681, deren Texte sich mit Asien befassen. Anhand der Themengebiete, die in den Kalendertiteln angegeben werden "Landschaften", "Sitten", "Trachten", "Götzendienst" und "Grausamkeiten" sowie der zusätzlichen Abteilung "Politik und (Zeit-)Geschichte" wurden die Texte kategorisiert und die Struktur der Masterarbeit entwickelt.In dieser Arbeit zeigt sich, dass die Kalendertexte einerseits von antiken Autoritäten übernommen wurden, andererseits aus zeitgenössischen Reiseberichten stammten. Tradiertes Wissen vereinte sich mit neugewonnenen Erkenntnissen. Der geographische Fokus der Texte lag auf dem Mogulreich, Persien und der Westküste Indiens. Themen des täglichen Lebens wie Klima, Landwirtschaft, Handel und religiöse Bräuche standen im Zentrum der Aufmerksamkeit. Unbekannte Gegebenheiten wie Witwenverbrennungen wurden aus ihrem religiösen Kontext gelöst und als Kuriositäten hervorgehoben. Der Vergleich mit der eigenen, europäischen Erfahrungswelt sorgte in diesem Zusammenhang mitunter für Missverständnisse, doch im Allgemeinen entstand allmählich ein differenzierteres Bild des Fremden, das sich als Vorbote für wissenschaftliche Werke der Aufklärung zeigt. Den Texten kam eine identitätsstiftende Wirkung zu: Durch die Beschäftigung mit diesen Themen grenzte der Leser seine eigene Le fremden ab. ; Since antique times Asia was in an European field of vision. Medieval travel reports contributed to this familiarity. Nevertheless, in the Early Modern Age Asia attracted European interest in the course of European expansion once more. The current master thesis deals with the perception of Asia in German-speaking areas in the second half of the 17th century. The central question that motivates this paper is, which theme complexes and originals were adopted to the widespread "Schreibkalender", which were accessible to a broader audience. Primary sources were German-speaking "Schreibkalender" in the timespan from 1668 to 1681, with texts about Asia. Based on the topics, given in the titles of the calendars "Landschaften", "Sitten", "Trachten", "Götzendienst" and "Grausamkeiten" including an additional category named "Politics and (contemporary) history" the texts were categorized, and the structure of the master thesis was developed.This paper leads to the conclusion that the texts in the calendars considered were on the one hand adopted from antique authorities and on the other hand derived from contemporary travel literature. Traditional knowledge was combined with insight recently gained. The geographical focus of the texts is on the Mughal empire, Persia and the western coast of India. Topics were centered on daily life like climate, agriculture, trade and religious customs. Unknown facts like widow burning were extracted from their religious context and brought out as curiosities. Even if those calendars caused misunderstandings due to the comparison to the European culture, generally generated a more differentiated image of the Asian culture, thus being a forerunner for scholarly studies in the age of enlightenment. Those texts had an identity generating effect, the reader would have to differentiate between his lifeworld and culture and the unknown. ; vorgelegt von Kerstin Angie Dunst ; Zusammenfassungen in Deutsch und Englisch ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Masterarbeit, 2017 ; (VLID)1738389

This book follows a new path of describing the Alps from the years 500 to 800. Instead of running through this mountain range from east to west (or reverse) and writing one local history after the other, relevant patterns were captured: patterns of control, borders, communication routes, Christendom, settlement, economy, local methods to establish power and traces of local identity. Comparing theses structures on an interregional level made it possible to establish a new view on the early medieval alpine regions. By the year 500 the inhabitants of this central European mountain range were typically roman-provincial. Some regional differences existed, yet the main factors were quite similar: language, laws, religion (Christendom) and social structures. From the 6th c. on this changed. New political developments made a large part of the alpine provinces turn northwards to the Frankish realms. As a consequence borders were created within the Alps. Many hilltop settlements and strongholds in the valleys were built to guarantee the security both of population and borders. Militia was installed to control these boundaries; they were either recruited from the local population or got especially settled for these means. This change of view made some Roman topoi disappear: the Alps were no longer regarded as hostile and as the walls of Italy. The routes through the Alps changed. One reason for this was the growing number of pilgrims from the British Isles made the passage through Maurienne and over the Mont Cenis more important than the ancient route via Montgenèvre. The central Alps in Curia remained a highly important point to cross the mountains, whereas more eastwards the once important crossing points became mere backroads. Farther east the Avarian-Slavic conquest caused the sources to silence, nevertheless the communication routes remained visible through archaeological findings and place names. A big change for the alpine population was the transformations in settlement patterns, first of all the diminishing importance of Roman cities. Some of them disappeared completely, such as Teurnia, Aguntum and Octodurum. Nevertheless, the wider settlement areas around these former towns always remained important. New centres emerged. Some had roman roots, for example Iuvavum/Salzburg, others were new foundations, like the numerous cloisters from the 8th c. The church played a significant role in this transformation, as a bishop's see or the burial church of a saint constituted a point of attraction for the local population. The antique transalpine and alpine networks of trade underwent some transitions. Goods like olive oil, high quality pottery and sea salt were no longer brought over the Alps. The eastern alpine ore deposits were not exploited on a grand scale anymore. New natural resources became important, for example the salt deposits in the northern Alps. There are some traces of exported products. The vineyards of the Southern Alps produced vine for export to the north-alpine regions and the central alpine soapstone production supplied the population of the whole mountain range with high quality cookware. In addition to this, products like cheese, wool, honey and lumber might have been exported. Alpine agriculture did not change much. Farming was based on subsistence and the surplus was sold locally to travellers or given to the owners of the land. The use of alpine pastures roots in pre-roman times and was practised continually, although the intensity of the pastoralism is difficult to estimate. Local power structures emerged out of late antique roots. In the 8th and beginning of the 9th c. the population of these parts of the Alps still spoke a roman language, were Christian and lived in a very differentiated social structure whose legal habits were based on roman law. Contrary to that, the eastern Alps saw a major cultural shift that resulted in the Slavic reign of Carantania.

This book follows a new path of describing the Alps from the years 500 to 800. Instead of running through this mountain range from east to west (or reverse) and writing one local history after the other, relevant patterns were captured: patterns of control, borders, communication routes, Christendom, settlement, economy, local methods to establish power and traces of local identity. Comparing theses structures on an interregional level made it possible to establish a new view on the early medieval alpine regions. By the year 500 the inhabitants of this central European mountain range were typically roman-provincial. Some regional differences existed, yet the main factors were quite similar: language, laws, religion (Christendom) and social structures. From the 6th c. on this changed. New political developments made a large part of the alpine provinces turn northwards to the Frankish realms. As a consequence borders were created within the Alps. Many hilltop settlements and strongholds in the valleys were built to guarantee the security both of population and borders. Militia was installed to control these boundaries; they were either recruited from the local population or got especially settled for these means. This change of view made some Roman topoi disappear: the Alps were no longer regarded as hostile and as the walls of Italy. The routes through the Alps changed. One reason for this was the growing number of pilgrims from the British Isles made the passage through Maurienne and over the Mont Cenis more important than the ancient route via Montgenèvre. The central Alps in Curia remained a highly important point to cross the mountains, whereas more eastwards the once important crossing points became mere backroads. Farther east the Avarian-Slavic conquest caused the sources to silence, nevertheless the communication routes remained visible through archaeological findings and place names. A big change for the alpine population was the transformations in settlement patterns, first of all the diminishing importance of Roman cities. Some of them disappeared completely, such as Teurnia, Aguntum and Octodurum. Nevertheless, the wider settlement areas around these former towns always remained important. New centres emerged. Some had roman roots, for example Iuvavum/Salzburg, others were new foundations, like the numerous cloisters from the 8th c. The church played a significant role in this transformation, as a bishop's see or the burial church of a saint constituted a point of attraction for the local population. The antique transalpine and alpine networks of trade underwent some transitions. Goods like olive oil, high quality pottery and sea salt were no longer brought over the Alps. The eastern alpine ore deposits were not exploited on a grand scale anymore. New natural resources became important, for example the salt deposits in the northern Alps. There are some traces of exported products. The vineyards of the Southern Alps produced vine for export to the north-alpine regions and the central alpine soapstone production supplied the population of the whole mountain range with high quality cookware. In addition to this, products like cheese, wool, honey and lumber might have been exported. Alpine agriculture did not change much. Farming was based on subsistence and the surplus was sold locally to travellers or given to the owners of the land. The use of alpine pastures roots in pre-roman times and was practised continually, although the intensity of the pastoralism is difficult to estimate. Local power structures emerged out of late antique roots. In the 8th and beginning of the 9th c. the population of these parts of the Alps still spoke a roman language, were Christian and lived in a very differentiated social structure whose legal habits were based on roman law. Contrary to that, the eastern Alps saw a major cultural shift that resulted in the Slavic reign of Carantania.

This book follows a new path of describing the Alps from the years 500 to 800. Instead of running through this mountain range from east to west (or reverse) and writing one local history after the other, relevant patterns were captured: patterns of control, borders, communication routes, Christendom, settlement, economy, local methods to establish power and traces of local identity. Comparing theses structures on an interregional level made it possible to establish a new view on the early medieval alpine regions. By the year 500 the inhabitants of this central European mountain range were typically roman-provincial. Some regional differences existed, yet the main factors were quite similar: language, laws, religion (Christendom) and social structures. From the 6th c. on this changed. New political developments made a large part of the alpine provinces turn northwards to the Frankish realms. As a consequence borders were created within the Alps. Many hilltop settlements and strongholds in the valleys were built to guarantee the security both of population and borders. Militia was installed to control these boundaries; they were either recruited from the local population or got especially settled for these means. This change of view made some Roman topoi disappear: the Alps were no longer regarded as hostile and as the walls of Italy. The routes through the Alps changed. One reason for this was the growing number of pilgrims from the British Isles made the passage through Maurienne and over the Mont Cenis more important than the ancient route via Montgenèvre. The central Alps in Curia remained a highly important point to cross the mountains, whereas more eastwards the once important crossing points became mere backroads. Farther east the Avarian-Slavic conquest caused the sources to silence, nevertheless the communication routes remained visible through archaeological findings and place names. A big change for the alpine population was the transformations in settlement patterns, first of all the diminishing importance of Roman cities. Some of them disappeared completely, such as Teurnia, Aguntum and Octodurum. Nevertheless, the wider settlement areas around these former towns always remained important. New centres emerged. Some had roman roots, for example Iuvavum/Salzburg, others were new foundations, like the numerous cloisters from the 8th c. The church played a significant role in this transformation, as a bishop's see or the burial church of a saint constituted a point of attraction for the local population. The antique transalpine and alpine networks of trade underwent some transitions. Goods like olive oil, high quality pottery and sea salt were no longer brought over the Alps. The eastern alpine ore deposits were not exploited on a grand scale anymore. New natural resources became important, for example the salt deposits in the northern Alps. There are some traces of exported products. The vineyards of the Southern Alps produced vine for export to the north-alpine regions and the central alpine soapstone production supplied the population of the whole mountain range with high quality cookware. In addition to this, products like cheese, wool, honey and lumber might have been exported. Alpine agriculture did not change much. Farming was based on subsistence and the surplus was sold locally to travellers or given to the owners of the land. The use of alpine pastures roots in pre-roman times and was practised continually, although the intensity of the pastoralism is difficult to estimate. Local power structures emerged out of late antique roots. In the 8th and beginning of the 9th c. the population of these parts of the Alps still spoke a roman language, were Christian and lived in a very differentiated social structure whose legal habits were based on roman law. Contrary to that, the eastern Alps saw a major cultural shift that resulted in the Slavic reign of Carantania. - Diese Arbeit wählte einen neuen Ansatz, um die Alpen in den Jahren 500 bis 800 zu beschreiben: Anstatt die einzelnen Regionen von Ost nach West - oder umgekehrt - durchzugehen und eine Herrschaftsgeschichte nach der anderen zu schreiben, wurden die relevanten Strukturen erfasst - also Zugriff, Grenzen, Verkehrsrouten, Christentum, Besiedlung, Wirtschaft, regionale Methoden der Machtentfaltung und Identitätsspuren der Bevölkerung. Diese Strukturen wurden miteinander verglichen. Dadurch war es möglich, einen neuen Zugang zu der Transformation der römischen Welt in eine frühmittelalterliche auf alpinem Gebiet zu erlangen. Um das Jahr 500 war die Bevölkerung der Alpen noch eine typisch provinzialrömische, die zwar regionale Unterschiede aufwies, sich aber in wesentlichen Punkten ähnelte: Sprache, Recht, Religion (Christentum) und Sozialstruktur. Ab dem 6. Jh. änderten sich diese Verhältnisse. Zunächst schufen die neuen politischen Bedingungen neue Zugehörigkeiten, die die Alpenprovinzen ab dem 6. Jh. an den Norden, an die Reiche fränkischer Herrschaft angliederten. Es entstanden zahlreiche Grenzpunkte Richtung Süden und später auch Osten, wo sich ab etwa 600 das awarisch-slawische Reich erstreckte. Zeuge der nun entstandenen Grenzen sind zahlreiche Höhenfestungen, eigens eingesetzte Grenztruppen und Talsperren zur Sicherung des Territoriums und der Bevölkerung. Der geänderte Blick brachte auch einige römische Alpen-Topoi zum Verschwinden, etwa den Topos der lebensfeindlichen Alpen oder von dem Gebirge als Mauern Italiens. Weitere Änderungen betrafen die Übergänge. Aus unterschiedlichsten Gründen entstanden neue Wege und alte verloren an Wichtigkeit. Ein Beispiel ist der Mont Cenis, der vor allem aufgrund der wachsenden Pilgerströme von den britischen Inseln den wichtigen römischen Alpenübergang Montgenèvre ersetzte. In den zentralen Alpen erfreute sich Churrätien, nicht zuletzt durch die stabilen politischen Verhältnisse, einer großen Beliebtheit, während Übergänge östlich davon lediglich als Nebenwege wahrgenommen wurden. Ein großer Bruch für die alpinen Menschen bedeuteten die spätantiken Veränderungen der Siedlungsstrukturen, die in allen Provinzen des ehemaligen römischen Reiches stattfanden und auch in den Alpen beobachtet werden können: die alten römischen Städte verloren ihre Substanz und verschwanden teilweise ganz, währenddessen neue Zentren erschaffen wurden, allen voran die Klöster. Einst weniger wichtige Siedlungen, wie das antike Iuvavum/Salzburg, gewannen massiv an Bedeutung, während andere römische Städte wie Teurnia, Aguntum aber auch Octodurum vergingen. Allerdings blieben die jeweiligen Siedlungskammern stets bedeutend - es ging nur die antike Stadtstruktur unter. Eine große Rolle in der Veränderung dieser Siedlungsmuster spielte die Kirche, da Bischofssitze und Kirchen von bedeutenderen Heiligen einen Anziehungspunkt für die lokale Bevölkerung darstellten. Die großen Umwälzungen der spätantiken Wirtschaft betrafen vor allem den transalpinen Handel, da viele Produkte, wie Olivenöl, hochwertige Keramik, Salz und Getreide kaum mehr über die Alpen gebracht wurden. Die lokale Landwirtschaft hingegen, die nur wenig Überschuss für Grundbesitzer und Reisende produzierte, änderte sich zunächst noch wenig. Die Bewirtschaftung mehrerer Höhenstufen bis hin zu den Almen oberhalb der Baumgrenze wurzelt in römischer und vorrömischer Zeit und blieb auch im frühen Mittelalter bestehen. Eine Spezialisierung betraf nur ganz wenige landwirtschaftliche Produkte, beispielsweise Wein und vielleicht Käse oder Wolle. Die lokalen Herrschaftsstrukturen konnten sich in den West- und Zentralalpen kontinuierlich aus ihren spätantiken Wurzeln weiterentwickeln. Im 8. und beginnenden 9. Jh. sprachen die Menschen aus diesem Teil der Alpen immer noch eine romanische Sprache, waren christlich und lebten in einer stark geschichteten Gesellschaftsstruktur, die sich laut Quellen nach spätantiken Rechtsgewohnheiten richtete. Im Gegensatz dazu erlebten