U članku se analiziraju institucionalni aranžmani euromediteranskih politika, koji se mogu opisati kao proces euromediteranizacije, pri čemu se ključni elementi analize zadržavaju na pitanju interguvernmentalne, regionalne i vanjske politike Europske unije. Uočavajući razlike u klasificiranju utjecaja europeizacije te mogućeg tematiziranja jednog aspekta euromediteranskih politika i procesa euromediteranizacije kao procesa europeizacije, rad se bavi pitanjem diplomacije kolosijeka, uspješnosti euromediteranskih politika i, posebno, istražuje primjer komplementarne uloge nevladinih organizacija u kreiranju uspješnih euromediteranskih politika. Analiza pokazuje da su pristup Procesa iz Barcelone i institucionalna izgradnja Unije za Mediteran u velikoj mjeri ostali bez željenih učinaka te da su navedene institucionalne metamorfoze ostale samo na superficijalnoj interguvernmentalnoj razini. ; The paper analyses the institutional arrangements of Euro-Mediterranean policies, which can be described by the process of Euro-Mediterraneanization, and in doing so the key elements of the analysis dwell on the issue of the intergovernmental, regional and foreign policies of the European Union. By recognizing the differences in different classification of the impact of Europeanization, and a possible study of one aspect of Euro-Mediterranean policies and the process of Euro-Mediterraneanization as a process of Europeanization, the paper deals with the issue of track diplomacy, the success of Euro-Mediterranean policies and, in particular, examines an example of the complementary role of non-governmental organizations in the making of successful Euro-Mediterranean policies. The analysis shows that the approach of the Barcelona Process and the institutional construction of the Union for the Mediterranean have been largely left without the desired effects, as well as that the specified institutional metamorphoses have remained only at the superficial intergovernmental level.
Već se duže vrijeme govori o neuspjehu multikulturalizma. Štoviše, izjave su vodećih europskih političara zapravo potvrdile ono u što se sumnjalo. Kada to postane stav država članica zajednice koja svojim temeljnim dokumentima zagovara 'jednakost u različitosti', to postaje zabrinjavajuće. Kao antitezu neuspjehu odnosno smrti multikulturalizma stavljamo život Mediterana, iz više razloga. Prvi je razlog taj što se za Mediteran uvijek konstatira multikulturalnost. Mediteran je po sebi multikulturalan i on je rasadište kulturnog pluralizma u Zapadnoj Europi. Drugi je razlog mediteranska ruta kojom veliki broj imigranata pokušava doći u Europsku uniju, upravo sada kada je ona proglasila neuspjeh multikulturalizma. Odnos između Europske unije i Mediterana povijesno je duboko složen. Duboko povezan i duboko razdvojen. U ovom ćemo se radu dotaknuti samo djelića tog složenog odnosa. ; The failure of multiculturalism has been talked about for quite some time now. Moreover, the statements of leading European politicians have confirmed what was suspected. When this becomes the view of the member states of the community that advocates "equality in diversity" in its essential documents, it becomes worrying. As the antithesis to the failure, or death, of multiculturalism, we place the life of the Mediterranean for many reasons. The first reason is that multiculturalism is connected with the Mediterranean. The Mediterranean is multicultural in itself, and it is the root of cultural pluralism in Western Europe. The second reason is the M0editerranean route by which a large number of immigrants are trying to reach the European Union, in times when member states have declared the failure of multiculturalism. The relationship between the European Union and the Mediterranean is historically profoundly complex. Deeply connected and deeply separated. In this paper, we will touch only on a fraction of this complicated relationship.
Ovaj rad ispituje hipotezu prema kojoj je vanjsko djelovanje EU (koje prema Lisabonskom ugovoru kao važećem ugovornom okviru EU objedinjuje vanjske odnose EU kao zbirni naziv za eksternalizirane unutarnje politike EU i vanjsku politiku EU) neuspješno na Mediteranu zbog nekonzistentnosti u vanjskopolitičkom procesu, i zbog nekoherentnosti u sadržaju/ciljevima triju mediteranskih politika EU (Euro-mediteransko partnerstvo - EMP, Europska susjedska politika – ENP i Unija za Mediteran - UFM). U tom smislu prvi cilj disertacije je pokazati razloge neuspjeha vanjskog djelovanja EU spram mediteranske regije, a drugi je ukazati na šire implikacije tog neuspjeha za ambicije EU kao globalnog aktera. Korištene istraživačke metode analiza sadržaja primarnih i tercijarnih izvora podataka u kombinaciji sa diskurzivnom analizom primarnih i sekundarnih izvora, potvrdile su sljedeće. Vanjsko djelovanje EU spram mediteranske regije je neuspješno kroz sve tri faze vanjskopolitičkog procesa. (1) U fazi formuliranja mediteranskih politika zbog neusklađenosti/nekonzistentnosti između institucija EU (Europskog vijeća i Europske komisije) u definiranju mediteranske regije kao strukturnog konteksta mediteranskih politika EU, svrhe EMP-a i prioriteta EMP-a i ENP-a. (2) U fazi odlučivanja/usvajanja mediteranskih politika EU zbog nekompatibilnost/nekoherentnost ciljeva vanjske politike EU i većeg broja eksternaliziranih unutarnjih politika EU između EMP, ENP i UFM, pri čemu je najveća nekoherentnost postojala u razdoblju od 2004.-2008. između EMP i ENP po pitanju vanjske politike, JHA, trgovine i energetike, a od 2009. stanje se između trenutno aktivnih ENP i UFM nije bitno promijenilo jer su ostale nekoherentne vanjska politika, JHA i energetika, dok trgovinska politika nije sastavni dio UFM-a. (3) U fazi implementiranja mediteranskih politika EU zbog neusklađenosti/nekonzistentnosti u bilateralnoj implementaciji multilateralnih instrumenata mediteranskih politika EU na vanjskopolitičkom području i u JHA od strane južno-mediteranskih partnera unatoč činjenici da su ove instrumente zajednički usvojili sa državama članicama EU. Nekonzistentnost u vanjskopolitičkom procesu i nekoherentnost u sadržaju/ciljevima između triju mediteranskih politika EU slabe mogućnosti EU (shvaćene kao sposobnost formuliranja, usvajanja i implementiranja politika). Ove mogućnosti zajedno sa neiskorištenim prilikama (shvaćenima kao prilike za suradnju EU kako sa južno-mediteranskim partnerima kroz uzimanje u obzir i njihovih interesa, te sa drugim regionalizirajućim akterima koji jednako kao EU djeluju u mediteranskoj regiji) kao dva analizirana elementa akterstva EU, pokazuju da je EU tek (regionalni) akter u nastajanju i da još uvijek ne može bez problema koji proizlaze iz njezine kompleksne prirode pretendirati na ulogu vanjskopolitičkog aktera u globalnim razmjerima. ; This paper examines the hypothesis that EU external action (which, according to the Lisbon Treaty as the relevant EU framework agreement, encompasses EU external relations as a collective term for externalized EU internal policies and EU foreign policy) has been unsuccessful in the Mediterranean region due to the inconsistency of the foreign policy process and incoherence of the aims of three EU Mediterranean policies (Euro-Mediterranean Partnership–EMP, European Neighborhood Policy–ENP, and Union for the Mediterranean–UFM). In that context, the first objective of this dissertation is to provide the reasons as to why the EU external action has failed in the Mediterranean region. Secondly, it will point at the wider implications of this failure in terms of EU aspirations to be a global actor. Research methods used in empirical analysis that included content analysis of primary and tertiary sources, combined with discourse analysis of primary and secondary sources, has resulted in the following. EU external action in the Mediterranean region has been unsuccessful in all three stages of the foreign policy process. (1) In the stage of formulating Mediterranean policies due to inconsistency between EU institutions in defining the Mediterranean region as a structural context of EU Mediterranean policies, EMP's purpose and EMP's and ENP's priorities. (2) In the decision making stage of EU Mediterranean policies due to the incoherence of aims of EU's foreign policy and many EU's externalized internal policies between EMP, ENP and UFM, whereby this incoherence was most prominent between 2004-2008 regarding foreign policy issues, JHA, trade and energy between EMP and ENP. Since 2009, the situation concerning the currently effective ENP and UFM has not changed significantly, since foreign policy, JHA and energy policy have remained incoherent, while trade policy is not part of the UFM. (3) In the implementation stage of EU Mediterranean policies due to the inconsistency in bilateral implementation of multilateral instruments of EU Mediterranean policies in the foreign policy field, and in the JHA from the side of south-Mediterranean partners, despite the fact that they have adopted these instruments jointly with EU Member States. Inconsistency of the foreign policy process and incoherence of the aims between the three EU Mediterranean policies are weakening the EU capabilities (the ability to formulate, adopt and implement policies). These together with unutilized opportunities (for cooperation with south Mediterranean partners through taking into consideration their interests, and interests of other regionalization actors in the Mediterranean region) as the two analyzed elements of EU actorness, are demonstrating that the EU is still an emerging (regional) actor that is yet unable to assume the role of a foreign policy actor on a global level due to its complex nature.
Migracije ljudi neizostavan su dio ljudske povijesti. One mogu biti i uzrok i posljedica, ali isto tako i katalizator društvenih promjena na nekome području. Migracije u doba rimskih osvajanja donedavno su u znanstvenoj raspravi bile slabo zastupljene u odnosu na izvještaje i komentare ratova i ostalih političkih zbivanja i aktera. Isto vrijedi i za sukobe na istočnoj jadranskoj obali. Zbog toga je cilj ovoga rada istražiti tragove i prirodu migracija koje su se događale uslijed ilirskih ratova i postupnoga nametanja Rima kao vladara ovog područja od 3. st. pr. Kr. pa do sredine 1. st. pr. Kr. ; Human migrations are an integral part of human history. They can be both a cause and a consequence, but also a catalyst for social change in an area. Until recently, migrations during the Roman conquests were poorly represented in the scientific discussion in relation to reports and comments on wars and other political events and figures. The same applies to conflicts on the eastern Adriatic coast. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to explore the traces and nature of migrations that occurred as a result of the Illyrian wars and the gradual imposition of Rome as the ruler of this area from the 3rd cent. BC until the middle of the 1st cent. BC.
Mediterranean cooperation is addressed in the context of the creation of the Euromediterranean zone. The European Union has been developing various modes of cooperation with non-member Mediterranean countries by signing association agreements or cooperation agreements. The new European states, created after the disintegration of former socialist federations, demonstrate an interest in Mediterranean cooperation, though they tend to have different attitudes toward it. Their interest is based solely on the fact that Mediterranean cooperation has not been standardized & that it has a poorly developed institutional framework. This enables these countries to join in from time to time, when it suits their purposes. Regarding the role of the new states, the author distinguishes between two types of cooperation: (1) autonomous regional cooperation, which is not beneficial for the new states (eg, the Balkan states); & (2) occasional, specialized, dispersed cooperation, which might attract the countries of Central & Eastern Europe. Adapted from the source document.
The author thinks that the American political & military initiative in Bosnia & Herzegovina has stopped the four-year war & enhanced American influence in the region. The European Union has reacted to the latest developments by adopting a new regional approach toward the countries of Southeastern Europe. This approach has been employed in relation to other European & Mediterranean regions outside the EU as well (Central & Eastern Europe, the Baltic states, the Mediterranean countries, & the Union of Independent States). The EU's policy toward Croatia is extremely reserved. It has insisted on a set of preconditions being fulfilled by Croatia before the negotiations about Croatia's membership in this organization may even commence. Croatia wants to forge links with the EU & is willing to comply with its demands, but is highly skeptical of regional associations. Adapted from the source document.
In the wake of the end of the Cold War, NATO has pursued the promotion of peace & stability on the European continent by: (1) creating the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (EAPC) in 1997, (2) launching the Partnership for Peace (PfP) program in Brussels in 1994, (3) entering into cooperation treaties with Russia & the Ukraine, & (4) pursuing a "Mediterranean Dialog." The PfP program is presented in more detail, outlining its objectives & mentioning the intentions of the Defense Capabilities Initiative & Membership Action Plan, among others. Croatia's membership in PfP is addressed, clarifying what this program is not (eg, it is not a security organization or a waiting room for membership in NATO) & cautioning the government against neglecting other security policies & arrangement on behalf of PfP. Z. Dubiel
Following the disintegration of the socialist system in Europe & the end of the bloc-based relations, American politics has changed the course of its operation. In present-day circumstances, southeast Europe is becoming increasingly prominent in American foreign policy projections, particularly during Clinton's administration. Clinton has defined a clear-cut policy towards Europe's southeast due to its vicinity to certain neuralgic points of American engagement (Near East, the Caspian region, the Gulf, eastern Mediterranean). In this way American politics has proved its leading global role. At the time of scarcity of foreign policy events, Clinton's team has thus been served on a platter a major foreign policy arena, in which its engagement -- which has all the symptoms of a long-lasting one -- has not proved too costly. Adapted from the source document.
