Suchergebnisse

Introduction : merchant culture in the material world of eighteenth-century China -- Courting the court -- Furnishing the court -- Collecting as a "collector" -- Luxury and lineage -- Materializing morality -- Conclusion : cultured and cosmopolitan men (tongren) : objects, merchants, and the Manchu court in High Qing China

When no distinction was made in theory and practice between the status of private property of the enemy upon land and upon sea it necessarily followed that such property was liable to seizure and confiscation wherever found.

I. Government Ships and Their Status in International Law -- I. Jurisdiction over Foreign Government Ships -- II. Principles Relating to the Doctrine of Immunity of Ships -- III. Recent Developments -- IV. Conclusion -- II. Jurisdiction Over Foreign Merchant Ships -- I. Internal Waters -- II. Territorial Waters -- III. Contiguous Zone -- IV. High Seas -- V. Arrest of Ships: procedure -- III. Illustrations from Case Law and State Practice -- I. Criminal Jurisdiction -- II. Civil Jurisdiction -- III. Administrative Jurisdiction -- IV. Conventions -- I. Criminal Jurisdiction -- II. Civil Jurisdiction -- III. Administrative Jurisdiction -- IV. Reflections on the Conventions -- V. Conclusions -- Suggestions -- Summary -- Selected Bibliography -- Index of Names.

The article is dedicated to complex analysis of the legal status of the merchant's class at the beginning of 18 century. Reasons of the reforms, importance of merchants in process of the system of modification of Russian society. Are analyzed separate legislative acts, which signify the main stages of the economic reforms, verify purposes and nature of the changes in governmental policy under comparatively this conditions. Are researched details study.Conclusion about complex and contradictory character of reforms of Petra I is made on the basis of study of significant normative base and monographic literature.

So long as the rule of capture of private property at sea exists unimpaired, states with mercantile marines of any importance will find that one of the problems they have to face in war is to defend their sea-borne commerce, and to attack that of their adversary. On the 26th March, 1913, Mr. Winston Churchill, the First Lord of the British Admiralty, made an important statement in the House of Commons regarding the methods proposed by Great Britain for the protection of trade. As reported in the Times Mr. Churchill's speech was as follows:
I now turn to one aspect of trade protection which requires special reference. It was made clear at the Second Hague Conference and the London Conference that certain of the great Powers have reserved to themselves the right to convert merchant steamers into cruisers, not merely in national harbours but if necessary on the high seas. There is now good reason to believe that a considerable number of foreign merchant steamers may be rapidly converted into armed ships by the mounting of guns. The sea-borne trade of the world follows well-marked routes, upon nearly all of which the tonnage of the British mercantile marine largely predominates. Our food-carrying liners and vessels carrying raw material following these trade routes would, in certain contingencies, meet foreign vessels armed and equipped in the manner described. If the British ships had no armament they would be at the mercy of any foreign liners carrying one effective gun and a few rounds of ammunition. It would be obviously absurd to meet the contingency of considerable numbers of foreign armoured merchant cruisers on the high seas by building an equal number of cruisers. That would expose this country to an expenditure of money to meet a particular danger altogether disproportionate to the expense caused to any foreign Power in creating that danger. Hostile cruisers, wherever they are found, will be covered and met by British ships of war, but the proper reply to an armed merchantman is another merchantman armed in her own defence. This is the position to which the Admiralty have felt it necessary to draw the attention of leading shipowners. We have felt justified in pointing out to them the danger to life and property which would be incurred if their vessels were totally incapable of offering any defence to an attack. The shipowners have responded to the Admiralty invitation with cordiality, and substantial progress has been made in the direction of meeting it as a defensive measure by preparing to equip a number of first-class British liners to repel the attack of an armed foreign merchant cruiser. Although these vessels have, of course, a wholly different status from that of the regularly-commissioned merchant cruisers such as those we obtain under the Cunard agreement, the Admiralty have felt that the greater part of the cost of the necessary equipment should not fall upon the owners, and we have decided, therefore, to lend the necessary guns, to supply ammunition, and to provide for the training of members' of the ship's company to form the guns' crews. The owners on their part are paying the cost of the necessary structural conversion, which is not great. The British mercantile marine will, of course, have the protection of the Royal Navy under all possible circumstances, but it is obviously impossible to guarantee individual vessels from attack when they are scattered on their voyages all over the world. No one can pretend to view these measures without regret or without hoping that the period of retrogression all over the world which has rendered them necessary may be succeeded by days of broader international confidence and agreement than those through which we are now passing.

AbstractTo understand the economic character, transnational politics, and labor regime characteristic of contemporary globalization, it is useful to revisit the concept of "merchant capitalism," a form of market exchange that dominated trade in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Then as now, commodities proved crucial to world commerce, merchants held the whip hand over manufacturers, while workers found their remuneration and working conditions subject to competitive pressures that often debased their status. The transnational retailers who today dominate so many global supply chains therefore play many of the same roles as did the antebellum merchants of New York and Liverpool who favored free trade and formed an alliance with those who deployed unfree labor to grow the cotton and other commodities upon which the trading system of their day was built.

Merchant colonies were a significant factor for economic growth in Europe during the early modern period. The essays in this collection look at merchant colonies across Europe, assessing their function, legal status, interaction with local traders and assimilation into their host countries