Suchergebnisse

He venido con el mayor interés de colaborar con mi Universidad, a la cual me siento muy unido. Siempre, y ese es el cuento de Ignacio Betancur, también bolivariano, el padre Henao Botero me traía a todos los actos de la Universidad y él pronunciaba un discurso muy elocuente, probando que esta era una Universidad abierta, que no era una universidad católica, conservadora, reaccionaria, sino abierta a todos los credos; y decía: "Si ustedes quieren saber cómo es de abierta la Universidad, aquí tenemos liberales como Otto Morales, ateos como Otto Morales, comunistas como Otto Morales", de suerte que me traían para mostrarme. (…)

The ideology of mestizaje (mixture) in Latin America has frequently been seen as involving a process of national homogenisation and of hiding a reality of racist exclusion behind a mask of inclusiveness. This view is challenged here through the argument that mestizaje inherently implies a permanent dimension of national differentiation and that, while exclusion undoubtedly exists in practice, inclusion is more than simply a mask. Case studies drawn from Colombian popular music, Venezuelan popular religion and Brazilian popular Christianity are used to illustrate these arguments, wherein inclusion is understood as a process linked to embodied identities and kinship relations. In a coda, approaches to hybridity that highlight its potential for destabilising essentialism are analysed. © 2005 Cambridge University Press.

International audience ; The construction of new nations, in Latin America, involved reflexions on the definition of the national identities. This aided to reconcile the reality of the "mestizaje" with the attribution, inherited the colonial time, of various "qualities" to the individuals and the groups ("Spanish", "Indian", "black", "mulatto", etc.). It was also confronted with the racist connotations contained in the ideas of progress and modernity, at the beginning of the XIX century, and thus complicating the difficulty in legitimizing its own "mestizaje". We tackled these questions starting from the empirical examination of two contexts in Mexico, that of the State and the town of Veracruz, and that of Costa Chica, on the Pacific coast in the states of Oaxaca and Guerrero. The common point of these two case studies is the comprehension of "mestizaje", a culture strongly associated with the Mexican national identity, starting from the African presence, which was important from the beginning of the colonization but not found in the "traditional" designs of the national "mestizaje". This analysis enables us to highlight various ways of incorporating the African origin populations with the nation. One then sees how the local configurations are articulated with the global speech to privilege one dimension or facet of the afro identification more than the other; be it cultural, social, or political. This is what we call "the other mestizaje". ; La construction de nouvelles nations, en Amérique latine, a entraîné des réflexions sur la définition des identités nationales cherchant à concilier la réalité des métissages avec l'attribution, héritée de l'époque coloniale, de différentes « qualités » aux individus et aux groupes (« espagnol », « indien », « noir », « mulâtre », etc.). Elle a également été confrontée aux connotations racistes que comportaient, au début du XIXème siècle, les idées de progrès et de modernité, et donc à la difficulté de légitimer sa propre « fabrique du métissage ». Nous abordons ces ...

International audience ; The construction of new nations, in Latin America, involved reflexions on the definition of the national identities. This aided to reconcile the reality of the "mestizaje" with the attribution, inherited the colonial time, of various "qualities" to the individuals and the groups ("Spanish", "Indian", "black", "mulatto", etc.). It was also confronted with the racist connotations contained in the ideas of progress and modernity, at the beginning of the XIX century, and thus complicating the difficulty in legitimizing its own "mestizaje". We tackled these questions starting from the empirical examination of two contexts in Mexico, that of the State and the town of Veracruz, and that of Costa Chica, on the Pacific coast in the states of Oaxaca and Guerrero. The common point of these two case studies is the comprehension of "mestizaje", a culture strongly associated with the Mexican national identity, starting from the African presence, which was important from the beginning of the colonization but not found in the "traditional" designs of the national "mestizaje". This analysis enables us to highlight various ways of incorporating the African origin populations with the nation. One then sees how the local configurations are articulated with the global speech to privilege one dimension or facet of the afro identification more than the other; be it cultural, social, or political. This is what we call "the other mestizaje". ; La construction de nouvelles nations, en Amérique latine, a entraîné des réflexions sur la définition des identités nationales cherchant à concilier la réalité des métissages avec l'attribution, héritée de l'époque coloniale, de différentes « qualités » aux individus et aux groupes (« espagnol », « indien », « noir », « mulâtre », etc.). Elle a également été confrontée aux connotations racistes que comportaient, au début du XIXème siècle, les idées de progrès et de modernité, et donc à la difficulté de légitimer sa propre « fabrique du métissage ». Nous abordons ces ...

International audience ; The construction of new nations, in Latin America, involved reflexions on the definition of the national identities. This aided to reconcile the reality of the "mestizaje" with the attribution, inherited the colonial time, of various "qualities" to the individuals and the groups ("Spanish", "Indian", "black", "mulatto", etc.). It was also confronted with the racist connotations contained in the ideas of progress and modernity, at the beginning of the XIX century, and thus complicating the difficulty in legitimizing its own "mestizaje". We tackled these questions starting from the empirical examination of two contexts in Mexico, that of the State and the town of Veracruz, and that of Costa Chica, on the Pacific coast in the states of Oaxaca and Guerrero. The common point of these two case studies is the comprehension of "mestizaje", a culture strongly associated with the Mexican national identity, starting from the African presence, which was important from the beginning of the colonization but not found in the "traditional" designs of the national "mestizaje". This analysis enables us to highlight various ways of incorporating the African origin populations with the nation. One then sees how the local configurations are articulated with the global speech to privilege one dimension or facet of the afro identification more than the other; be it cultural, social, or political. This is what we call "the other mestizaje". ; La construction de nouvelles nations, en Amérique latine, a entraîné des réflexions sur la définition des identités nationales cherchant à concilier la réalité des métissages avec l'attribution, héritée de l'époque coloniale, de différentes « qualités » aux individus et aux groupes (« espagnol », « indien », « noir », « mulâtre », etc.). Elle a également été confrontée aux connotations racistes que comportaient, au début du XIXème siècle, les idées de progrès et de modernité, et donc à la difficulté de légitimer sa propre « fabrique du métissage ». Nous abordons ces questions à partir de l'examen empirique de deux contextes au Mexique, celui de l'Etat et de la ville de Veracruz, et celui de la Costa chica, sur la côte pacifique dans les Etats de Oaxaca et Guerrero. Le point commun de ces études de cas est d'appréhender le métissage, si fortement associé à l'identité nationale mexicaine, à partir de la présence africaine, qui fut importante dès les débuts de la colonisation mais qui ne fut pas incluse dans les conceptions « classiques » du métissage national. Cette analyse nous permet de mettre en évidence diverses modalités d'incorporation des populations d'origine africaine à la nation. On voit alors comment les configurations locales s'articulent avec le discours global pour privilégier une dimension ou facette de l'identification afro (culturelle, ou sociale, ou politique) plutôt qu'une autre. C'est ce que l'on appelle « l'autre métissage ».

Whereas due attention has been granted to the "black Medeas" of the post-seventies U.S. stage, the "brown Medeas" of post-eighties/post-movimiento Chicana/o theatre have drawn much less scholarly interest. In response to this perceived lacuna in critical analysis, the present paper examines three revisions of Medea's myth by Chicana/o theatre practitioners. "La Malinche," by Carlos Morton (1996-97), "The Hungry Woman: A Mexican Medea," by Cherríe Moraga (2000), and "Mojada: A Medea in Los Angeles," by Luis Alfaro (2015), are taken up here as characteristic instances of contemporary Chicana/o reception of Greek tragic myth. The paper will argue that this new addition to Medea's afterlife signals a crucial new development in Chicana/o theatre toward opening up to transcultural flows, syncrisis and negotiation, and, by extension, a shift in Chicana/o cultural and identity politics within the U.S. More specifically, we will discuss why and how revis(ion)ing Medea, correlating her with figures originating in indigenous mythico-cultural material (namely, La Malinche and La Llorona), remotivating her (and their) actions and even reimagining the outcomes of her (and their) stories in the mythoplays under consideration can be interpreted as a gesture toward alternative forms of affiliation, shifting political coalitions, and an emergent—decolonization-oriented but twenty-first-century-specific—mestizaje ethos and consciousness.

International audience ; The research presented here is the result of fieldwork conducted between 2007 and 2010 in the city of Veracruz, Mexico. It bears on social, political and cultural usages of ethnic categories linked to the local history of slavery and the historical presence in the region of Black populations of African origin. Focusing on the evolution of local cultural policy, the ways of describing the city, activities striving to enhance the status of what is claimed to be its historical 'heritage', the popular music scene as well as forms of social domination expressed in daily life, this study aims to examine the conditions and modalities in which differences relating to the 'African roots' of mestizaje (ethnic mixing) - such as the perception of skin colour and phenotypic traits that are seen as more or less 'negroid' or cultural characteristics defined as 'Black' or 'African' - are marked, displayed, debated, eluded or argued.

International audience ; The research presented here is the result of fieldwork conducted between 2007 and 2010 in the city of Veracruz, Mexico. It bears on social, political and cultural usages of ethnic categories linked to the local history of slavery and the historical presence in the region of Black populations of African origin. Focusing on the evolution of local cultural policy, the ways of describing the city, activities striving to enhance the status of what is claimed to be its historical 'heritage', the popular music scene as well as forms of social domination expressed in daily life, this study aims to examine the conditions and modalities in which differences relating to the 'African roots' of mestizaje (ethnic mixing) - such as the perception of skin colour and phenotypic traits that are seen as more or less 'negroid' or cultural characteristics defined as 'Black' or 'African' - are marked, displayed, debated, eluded or argued.

International audience ; The research presented here is the result of fieldwork conducted between 2007 and 2010 in the city of Veracruz, Mexico. It bears on social, political and cultural usages of ethnic categories linked to the local history of slavery and the historical presence in the region of Black populations of African origin. Focusing on the evolution of local cultural policy, the ways of describing the city, activities striving to enhance the status of what is claimed to be its historical 'heritage', the popular music scene as well as forms of social domination expressed in daily life, this study aims to examine the conditions and modalities in which differences relating to the 'African roots' of mestizaje (ethnic mixing) - such as the perception of skin colour and phenotypic traits that are seen as more or less 'negroid' or cultural characteristics defined as 'Black' or 'African' - are marked, displayed, debated, eluded or argued.

In Mexico, the population of foreigners occupies a marginal place in the country's demographic composition. Although Mexican governments have always acknowledged the importance of attracting immigrants, the country has one of the most restrictive immigration policies in Latin America. In order to offer a possible explanation for this paradox, this essay examines the construction of the mestizo figure as a foundation for the Mexican nation. It shows how the importance of this figure grew with the ascent of the nationalist thinking derived from the 1910 Revolution, and with the impact of migratory processes resulting from the vicinity to the United States. These issues laid the foundation for xenophobic discourses, norms, and actions that, to different degrees, imbued the relationship between Mexico and foreigners. ; In Mexico, the population of foreigners occupies a marginal place in the country's demographic composition. Although Mexican governments have always acknowledged the importance of attracting immigrants, the country has one of the most restrictive immigration policies in Latin America. In order to offer a possible explanation for this paradox, this essay examines the construction of the mestizo figure as a foundation for the Mexican nation. It shows how the importance of this figure grew with the ascent of the nationalist thinking derived from the 1910 Revolution, and with the impact of migratory processes resulting from the vicinity to the United States. These issues laid the foundation for xenophobic discourses, norms, and actions that, to different degrees, imbued the relationship between Mexico and foreigners. ; En México, la población de origen extranjero ocupa un lugar marginal en la composición demográfica del país. A pesar de que los gobiernos siempre admitieron la importancia de atraer inmigrantes, México ha tenido una de laspolíticas inmigratorias más restrictivas de América Latina. ¿Cómo explicar esta paradoja? Para responder esta pregunta, este artículo explora la construcción de la figura del mestizo como fundamento de la nación mexicana. Interesa mostrar que esa figura se acrecentó por el ascenso del pensamiento nacionalista producto de la Revolución de 1910 y por el impacto de procesos migratorios que generó la vecindad Estados Unidos de América. Estos asuntos cimentaron discursos, normas y acciones xenófobas que, con intensidades distintas, impregnaron la relación entre México y los extranjeros.

Las ideologías y prácticas latinoamericanas de mestizaje contienen dentro de sí la dinámica de la igualdad y la diferencia y de la democracia racial y el racismo al mismo tiempo. aquí se explora cómo esta coexistencia simultánea opera en gran parte mediante complejos enmarañamientos de sexualidad, género y raza/etnicidad, que tienen lugar en el ámbito del cuerpo y de la familia así como de la nación. Esto se analiza mediante varios ejemplos concretos de diferentes periodos históricos y regiones de Latinoamérica. Se termina con un breve examen de los procesos de formación de las subjetividades, en los que las relaciones ser-otro, o en términos de Bhabha, la «Otredad del Yo», asumen una forma particular que permita la coexistencia normalizada de prácticas ciudadanas, de convivialidad democrática y racistas antidemocráticas.

The history of race in Latin America is commonly glossed as mestizaje, a phenomenon itself defined as the movement from original purity into increasing racial or cultural mixing. This dissertation tells a different story: it investigates and historicizes particular formations of mixing and purity, the operations through which they are produced and rationalized, and the political logics according to which they are deployed. I examine three historical moments marked by the specter of racial insurgency: "Indian" uprisings (1692), "mestizo" rebellions (1566-1567), and "black" conspiracies (1612). As eruptions of racialized paranoia, these episodes of political crisis in and around what Ángel Rama calls the colonial "lettered city" generate a rich archive of discourse on bodies and boundaries. By analyzing these moments, I argue that racial discourse is always already mediated by and articulated through particular categories of mixing and purity which, like race, are themselves contested and contingent. At times, race is best seen through sideways glances that reveal the mechanisms of its production at the margins. Mixing and purity are two modalities of a single operation, and it is in the play between them that racial formations emerge.Colonial actors perceived, organized, and intervened in the world around them through a grid of intelligibility structured by categories of mixing and purity. These categories were embedded in, permeated, and tied together the human body and the material world. Divergent formations of mixing and purity filled and in many ways structured debates over the chemical composition of beverages like pulque, a traditional indigenous alcohol made from the fermented juice of the maguey plant; the built environment and segregated layout of the cityscape; the Colegio de Niños Mestizos in Mexico City, dedicated to converting mestizo boys into missionary priests fluent in indigenous languages; and the nature of black blood and Nahua conceptualizations of lineage. These debates, intensified by crisis, demonstrate that mixing and purity were far from self-evident but emerged only through conflict, even among "lettered" elites. They also generate particular modes of engaging with the colonial world, from state interventions and regulatory mechanisms to alternative solidarities rooted in different kinds of political projects and imaginaries. Mixing and purity operate as tactics and strategies, and the genealogy of mestizaje maps the field of conflict on which they are deployed.

International audience Based on a fieldwork carried out in the town of Veracruz (Mexico), this article explores the ethnic and racialidentifications, which come under the African roots of the mestizaje. In absence of afro militant mobilization in the area, it's mostly in the field of popular music, that one attends the highlighting of the black or African cultural dimension. The concept of symbolic boundaries is used to examine mestizaje and African heritage in music and dance. As such, symbolic boundaries are tools with which individuals and groups carve out definitions of reality. They are the outcome of the representation of a social world that music and dance enable us to document. At first, it was mainly at the level of cultural policies described in terms of "third root" that the issue of the African presence was debated and specific positions were asserted by the various local actors. Hence, after going over the main elements that contributed to the implementation of a cultural policy embracing the Afro-Caribbean dimension, the autor will look at the narratives of Veracruz's musicians before carrying out the ethnographic description of a cultural program. This is to try to understand how the African dimension of mestizaje is expressed.

Este artículo examina desde una perspectiva biopolítica la teorización del mestizaje latinoamericano del intelectual colombiano Fernando González Ochoa. Se analizan las propuestas de mestizaje eugenésico y de construcción de una democracia racial(izada) con las cuales González intervino en los debates que tuvieron lugar en Colombia, durante las primeras décadas del siglo XX, en torno al progreso social de la nación y su «problema racial». El artículo busca así contribuir a la cartografía de los presupuestos y contradicciones articuladores de la ideología racista y eurocéntrica compartida por un amplio sector de la intelectualidad colombiana (y latinoamericana) del periodo histórico señalado. ; This article examines, from a biopolitical perspective, Colombian intellectual Fernando Gonzalez's theorization of Latin American mestizaje. It centers on the proposals for a eugenic hybridization and the construction of a racial(ized) democracy through which González partook in the debates held in Colombia, during the first decades of the twentieth century, on the nation's social progress and its «racial problem». The article seeks to contribute, in this way, to the cartography of the presuppositions and contradictions underpinning the racist and eurocentric ideology of a wide sector of Colombian (and Latin American) intellectuals of the aforementioned historical period.

Esta investigación ha tratado de abordar el mestizaje desde la óptica de las relaciones interétnicas, considerándolo no sólo como una manifestación de intercambios biológicos y culturales entre indígenas y blancos y/o negros, sino también entre grupos nativos de diferente origen étnico. Los factores considerados fueron: 1) los 130 años de resistencia calchaquí y la rebelión general de 1530-43 que culminan con desnaturalizaciones masivas; 2)el servicio personal en las encomiendas y los consecuentes traslados; 3) la incorporación en los asientos de los desnaturalizados de cautivos chaqueños, negros y mestizos. Se ha intentado demostrar que en el contexto colonial español la descripción étnica y el mestizaje no favorecieron el ascenso social ni una mayor aculturación dentro de las pautas de la llamada "modernidad", provocando, en cambio, un aislamiento que culmina, en el siglo XIX, en relaciones de clientelismo económico y político. ; This paper attempts to approach miscegenation ("mestizaje") from the point of view of interethnic relations, considering it not only as an expression of biological and cultural exchanges between natives and whites and/or blacks, but also between native groups of different ethnic origin. The factors considered are: 1)the 130 years of Calchaquí resistance and the general rebellion of 1530-43, wich ended in massive denaturalizations; 2) the personal service in the "encomiendas" and the consequent moves; 3)the incorporation of "chaqueño", black, and mestizo captives in the settlements of desnaturalized natives. We attempt to demonstrate that in the Spanish colonial context, ethnic description and "mestizaje" favored neither social promotion nor a greater acculturation within the patterns of so-called "modernity" Rather, they caused an isolation which, in the nineteenth century, resulted in relationships of economic and political patronage. ; Sociedad Argentina de Antropología