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This paper develops a decision-based approach to meta-governance by drawing on insights from studies of organization outside of formal organizations. We argue that meta-governance can be analyzed as a form of partial organization of interactive arenas. Meta-governance has become an important concept in theorizing the role of government in contemporary governance, particularly in the context of shaping and providing guidance to different interactive arenas, such as networks and quasi-markets. Meta-governance is, however, also a broad and ambiguous concept, which limits its ability to guide empirical research on the actual practices of governing and the actors involved. Rather than presenting a new perspective on meta-governance, the framework of partial organization enables analysis of the processes behind the formation of meta-governance strategies. By focusing on decision-making, it offers a dynamic understanding of the stepwise development of meta-governance, reflecting an emerging, rather than predefined, rationality of governance arrangements.

Sustainability transitions are of an inherently political nature. In particular, discussions on climate policy are dominated by national and international politics. Furthermore, sustainability transitions involve network governance in which both private, public, and societal actors are involved. These governance processes call for closely scrutinizing their performance in terms of democratic legitimacy. To study and assess the democratic quality of governance processes regarding climate policy, this article focuses on the role of political leadership, conceptualized as political meta-governance, in enhancing the democratic legitimacy in the field of sustainability transitions. In doing so, it examines the case of the Dut

Bildungslandschaften stehen für eine neue Entwicklung im deutschen Bildungssystem. In Form von strategischen Netzwerken haben sich Bildungslandschaften als Labore etabliert, in denen sich formale Lernorte – wie Schulen und Hochschulen – mit non-formalen Lernorten – wie Bibliotheken, Kultureinrichtungen, Vereinen, Verbänden und Unternehmen – in einem geografisch definierten Raum verbinden. Neben einer Vernetzung der lokalen Akteure für eine verbesserte Bildungspraxis sollen neue Governance-Arrangements, wie Bildungsbeiräte, eine praxisorientierte Bildungssteuerung etablieren. D. h. sowohl Präsident*innen einer Hochschule als auch Vorsitzende eines Sportvereins können sich an der Steuerung kommunaler Bildung beteiligen. Insbesondere nicht-staatliche, gemeinnützige Organisationen geraten als neue Akteure in den Blick. Der systematische, intersektorale Austausch zielt darauf ab lokale Bedingungen und Herausforderungen kollektiv zu adressieren, indem die rollenbasierten Fähigkeiten und Ressourcen lokaler Bildungsakteure eingebracht werden. Um die Bedeutung von Governance für intersektorale Steuerung kommunaler Bildung zu verstehen, beschäftigt sich diese Dissertation mit den Handlungsfeldern in den entstandenen Arrangements. Dazu diskutiert Kapitel 2 Ansätze der Governance-Theorie und stellt bereits verfügbare Forschungsergebnisse vor. Anschließend formuliert Kapitel 3 die spezifischen Fragestellungen und fasst die angewandten sozialwissenschaftlichen Methoden sowie die durchgeführten Teilstudien zusammen. Der Forschungsschwerpunkt liegt hierbei auf den Rollen von lokalen Bildungsstiftungen, die sich in der Untersuchung als besonders handlungsfähig herausstellten. Die Ergebnisdiskussion in Kapitel 4 dokumentiert Governance-Arrangements in Bildungslandschaften als spezifische Gremienstrukturen des kommunalen Kontexts. In diesen Gremienstrukturen wiesen lokale gemeinnützige Stiftungen ein vielschichtiges Rollenverständnis auf, d. h. ihre Selbstcharakterisierungen umfassten sowohl finanzielle Förderung und operative ...

Sustainability transitions are of an inherently political nature. In particular, discussions on climate policy are dominated by national and international politics. Furthermore, sustainability transitions involve network governance in which both private, public, and societal actors are involved. These governance processes call for closely scrutinizing their performance in terms of democratic legitimacy. To study and assess the democratic quality of governance processes regarding climate policy, this article focuses on the role of political leadership, conceptualized as political meta-governance, in enhancing the democratic legitimacy in the field of sustainability transitions. In doing so, it examines the case of the Dutch National Agreement on Climate (&ldquo ; Nationaal Klimaatakkoord&rdquo ; ). The findings of this study underline the theoretical assumption that governments seek to use network governance to address climate change and develop policies. Seeking to address the application of political meta-governance, this study finds that political leaders struggle to bring about a fully-fledged, deliberative, and integrative meta-governance approach. However, disparate meta-governance strategies are reported. Although democratic legitimacy concerning the Dutch Agreement on Climate in terms of accountability can be regarded as high, values concerning voice (inclusiveness) and due deliberation (transparency) score comparatively low. As such, this study further justifies the close attention governance scholars and practitioners pay to the democratic values at stake when governing through governance networks.

Artikel 5New partnership-arrangements appear to increase the need to impose democratic controls over devolved processes. The challenges of political anchorage in meta-governance alter when several public meta-governors are accountable for the results. This article focuses on political partnerships' ability to establish coordinated meta-governance of regional governance between the politically elected bodies, which in this case is the county council and the municipalities. On the basis of an empirical study of a Norwegian case of regional councils, namely, partnerships between the municipalities and the county, I show how the traditional concept of steering and the understanding of meta-governance together may provide a comprehensive way to analyse the capacities of meta-governance amongst public actors. The analysis suggests that the most important factors of the partnership for creating or enhancing coordinated and meta-governance of regional governance are storytelling, formal agreements, and facilitation. Even though politicians are 'hands on' in the partnership, the analysis suggests that an insufficient anchorage back to the democratically elected bodies still presents a challenge of coordinated meta-governance to the partnership.

A government's political identity is a key factor in meta-governance; it powerfully shapes a government's policy aims and implementation preferences at the most abstract level and forms a stable governance mode. Dissonance between a pre-existing governance mode and the government's evolved political identity will lead to governance failures and pose political challenges to the government. In the case of vegetable retail in Shanghai, the neoliberal developmental state transformed the hierarchical governance into market governance; but as it evolves into a corporatist welfare state, market imperfections come to be perceived as governance failures, and the government responds by reintroducing hierarchical measures.

Meta-governance involves orchestrating the 'rules of the game' in public management. Arm's-length bodies are particularly important vehicles for this. We consider the case of an arm's-length body (NHS England) created to oversee the English NHS' day-to-day operation, and remove 'political interference'. Although mandated by the Department of Health it has increasingly operated as policy-maker, developing policies in tension with existing legislation, while Ministers have faded from public-facing accounts of service operation. This suggests NHS England operates as a meta-governor, insulating government whilst pursuing its own agenda, and raises crucial questions about governmental accountability whilst simultaneously making answers harder to obtain.

Meta-governance recently emerged in the field of governance as a new approach which claims that its use enables modern states to overcome problems associated with network governance. This thesis shares the view that networks are an important feature of contemporary politics which must be taken seriously, but it also maintains that networks pose substantial analytical and political challenges. It proceeds to investigate the potential possibilities and problems associated with meta-governance on both theoretical and empirical levels. The theoretical discussion examines meta-governance in relation to governmentality, and it puts forward the claim that meta-governance may be understood as a specific type of neo-liberal governmentality. The meta-governance perspective regards networks as a complementary structure to traditional administration that can be utilized in the implementation and realization of public policy, but which also preserves the self-regulating and flexible character of networks. This generates a contradiction between the goals of public management and the character of networks that requires further investigation. The combination of the specific dynamics of the political field of security, the diminishing role of sovereign powers, the emergence of security networks, and the meta-governance stance adopted by the Swedish state constitutes a situation that should have been favorable for the successful employment of meta-governance. The empirical investigation of meta-governance is divided into two parts. The first part reviews the historical process involved and shows how the Swedish government and public authorities have adopted a meta-governance stance. The second analyzes the specific instruments and strategies that have been deployed in the governance of security communications and in the management of Sweden's new security communications system which is an important aspect of security networks. The historical study together with the analysis of the meta-governance tools deployed reveals that the meta-governors neither reached the goals specified, nor fulfilled the overall purpose of successful security communications. I argue on the basis of the theoretical and empirical findings obtained in the present study that it is very difficult to successfully employ meta-governance in respect to security and crisis management, and that we have sound reasons to suspect that meta-governance will run into similar difficulties in other political fields as well. I conclude that meta-governance is a far more difficult practice than has been anticipated by existing theories and policy recommendations. Turning to meta-governance as a way to govern and control organizations may in fact lead to further fragmentation and distortion of public politics.

Efforts to strategically implement governance reforms have become a common way in which to deal with complex social and political issues. The analysis presented in this article addresses recent governance reforms in Malmo, Sweden, that are intended to help resolve complex problems of urban segregation and social inequality. The article identifies important difficulties that have been encountered in promoting increased participation in spite of the great awareness on the part of local actors of the problems facing the community. The study brings forth evidence that there are good reasons for reassessing the inclusive ethos of network governance and for a critical investigation of precisely who gains access to political processes when network governance arrangements are implemented from above.

This study essentially considered the relevance of governance networks in election administration in Nigerian. It was acknowledged in the study that governance involves a new process of governing; or a changed condition of ordered rule, or the new method by which society is governed. Governance networks were seen in the study as instruments of public policy-making, in which policy-processes take place. Meta-governance was accepted to be the governance of governance, a tool for steering processes in self-regulating governance networks; and also accepted to be about both facilitating and constraining policy processes. It was upheld in the study that the most critical element of network governance is coordination. But in meta-governance, the most critical requirement goes beyond coordination. In this dimension, in election administration in Nigeria for instance, the meta-governor must be a repository of national interest. And indeed, Nigeria's election administration requires a mainstream interest of governance networks. The consummation of the interests of the governance networks would be the dilution of the influence of political leadership on the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). A meta-governing electoral commission is not in any way an absurdity under Nigeria's democratic evolution. However, this meta-governing electoral administrator will not be a creation of a partisan political leadership but a natural fruition of the actions of the governance networks. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n9p177

This article extends previous research on public-private partnerships (PPPs), which has primarily been case study or national context oriented, by examining how these PPPs are regulated in the framework of the European Union (EU). While a number of partnership models have been identified in the academic literature, this study focuses on three significant types of PPP: the contract-PPP, the concession-PPP, and the institutional-PPP. Based on a notion of the EU as a meta-governance framework that guides, steers, and controls PPP activity at national, sector, and project level, the article draws a number of lessons on the EU's role in regulating the formation phase of PPP. The research demonstrates that this meta-governance framework provides the EU with no direct regulations for the use of the PPP model in the 27 member states, but two sets of regulations which apply if a public authority decides to sign a PPP deal. As the EU hitherto has engaged in regulation of PPP at a somewhat abstract and conceptual level, national and local public administrations are given considerable room for manoeuvre to craft regulations and policies to support or hinder uptake of PPPs. More recently, however, the Commission has raised its stakes by launching a European Partnership Excellence Centre to support policy learning, the spread of best practice, and PPP expert networks.

Im Kontext der Verhandlungen der Post-2015 bzw. 2030-Agenda für nachhaltige Entwicklung und der Formulierung der Ziele nachhaltiger Entwicklung (Sustainable Development Goals, DGs) weisen die Vereinten Nationen (UN) Multi- Stakeholder-Partnerschaften erneut eine zentrale Rolle zu. Aber wie bewerten die beteiligten und betroffenen Akteure derartige Partnerschaften nach rund zehn Jahren Erfahrung? Unsere bisherige Forschung zeigt, dass transnationale Multi-Stakeholder- Partnerschaften weder so erfolgreich sind, wie ihre Befürworter behaupten, noch so ineffektiv, wie es ihre Kritiker darstellen (Beisheim/Liese 2014). Vor dem Hintergrund untersuchen wir, ob relevante Akteure dafür plädieren, dass Erkenntnisse bezüglich der Erfolgsbedingungen von Partnerschaften in entsprechende Regeln und Standards umgesetzt werden sollen, die sowohl bestehende Partnerschaften als auch zukünftige Partnerschaften anleiten könnten. Diese Art von Meta-Governance könnte sowohl von staatlichen als auch von nicht-staatlichen Akteuren auf der nationalen oder internationalen Ebene betrieben werden. Außerdem unterscheiden wir zwei unterschiedliche Funktionen von Meta-Governance: ermöglichend und sicherstellend ("enabling and ensuring"). In diesem Working Paper präsentieren wir erste Einsichten zu den Perspektiven von Akteuren auf Meta-Governance für Partnerschaften. Dabei fokussieren wir auf Akteure im UN-Kontext, wo derzeit Reformen der Rahmenbedingungen für Partnerschaften debattiert werden. ; In the context of negotiations on the Post-2015 or 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the process of formulating Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), the United Nations (UN) (again) assigns an important role to multi- stakeholder partnerships. But how do actors view these partnerships more than ten years after the UN's engagement with them? Our previous research found that transnational multi-stakeholder partnerships for sustainable development are neither as successful as their proponents claim nor as ineffective as their critics argue ...

This research will highlight and analyze how social media companies have begun the process of democratizing within themselves through the process of content policing and acknowledging the stake they have. However, at the end of the day they are companies with the goal of making money. So, the question is how effective and truthful this new wave of self-governance is, j and the role consumers will have in it.

This deliverable outlines the new Protocol for Science Diplomacy presented in a policy brief which inspires the alignment of shared, cosmopolitan interests and their application to cross-border societal challenges. It comprises a set of twelve procedural and infrastructural principles with which actors can create a space for constructive and productive science diplomacy interactions. These principles are: Sensitivity; Inclusiveness; Transparency; Deliberation; Reciprocity; Complementarity & Manoeuvrability; Legitimacy; Alignment; Evaluation; Capacities; Capabilities; Trust. Our Protocol for Science Diplomacy sets new ground rules for international scientific and policy collaboration that enable us, inter alia, to make meaningful steps towards tackling the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by their 2030 deadline. As such, it offers a roadmap for science diplomacy in the next decade and beyond.

There is an increasing body of research on corporate governance in Nigeria. This academic paper endeavours to classify, categorize, map and synthesize the research on this topic during 1998–2017. In the analysis of the body of research in corporate governance in Nigeria, five key themes emerge. (1) Several research studies focus on institutional influences of corporate governance and discussions centre on how a country's culture, laws, regulations, norms and institutions inform corporate governance practice. (2) Other studies address concerted effort by international organizations and the Nigerian government to change corporate governance practices in Nigeria. (3) Further, studies have been conducted on the state of shareholder activism in Nigeria (4) corporate governance disclosure of publicly listed companies and (5) corporate governance and firm performance (6) corporate social responsibility in Nigeria. Based on the extensive review, missing perspectives on corporate governance research in Nigeria have been identified and propositions are made for future research directions.