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The aim of this article is to put forward a new interpretation of the thought of Carl Schmitt. It is argued that by gaining a better understanding of his conception of political romanticism we can see his entire work in a new light. By looking at "Politische Romantik" as a political critique and the first attempt of German thinker to understand relationship between politics and metaphysics we will see that his discipline of political theology stands in direct opposition to political romanticism. The article claims that we have to understand political romanticism in terms of what Schmitt called "concrete opposition.". Adapted from the source document.

The aim of the paper is to reconstruct and analyze Alvydas Jokubaitis's under-standing of politics. It is argued that Jokubaitis couples politics with morality in opposition to the liberal project of the autonomy of politics, which seeks to separate these two fields of human activity. According to Jokubaitis, politics is a realm of realization of the spiritual side of human nature. That is the reason why, through morality, he also tries to align poli-tics with other domains of human spirituality, such as religion and metaphysics. What is common to politics, morality, religion, and metaphysics is the sphere of normativity, i.e., that of purposes, principles, and imperatives. At the same time, Jokubaitis attacks those schools of modern thought which interpret politics as corresponding solely to the physical, animal side of human nature. In this regard, positivism and scientism are singled out as the crudest attempts to misconstrue the nature of politics. The paper is based on a convic-tion that the acknowledgement of the importance of morality allows one to piece together Jokubaitis's various considerations about the nature and distinctiveness of politics into a coherent whole.

The aim of the paper is to reconstruct and analyze Alvydas Jokubaitis's under-standing of politics. It is argued that Jokubaitis couples politics with morality in opposition to the liberal project of the autonomy of politics, which seeks to separate these two fields of human activity. According to Jokubaitis, politics is a realm of realization of the spiritual side of human nature. That is the reason why, through morality, he also tries to align poli-tics with other domains of human spirituality, such as religion and metaphysics. What is common to politics, morality, religion, and metaphysics is the sphere of normativity, i.e., that of purposes, principles, and imperatives. At the same time, Jokubaitis attacks those schools of modern thought which interpret politics as corresponding solely to the physical, animal side of human nature. In this regard, positivism and scientism are singled out as the crudest attempts to misconstrue the nature of politics. The paper is based on a convic-tion that the acknowledgement of the importance of morality allows one to piece together Jokubaitis's various considerations about the nature and distinctiveness of politics into a coherent whole.

The aim of the paper is to reconstruct and analyze Alvydas Jokubaitis's under-standing of politics. It is argued that Jokubaitis couples politics with morality in opposition to the liberal project of the autonomy of politics, which seeks to separate these two fields of human activity. According to Jokubaitis, politics is a realm of realization of the spiritual side of human nature. That is the reason why, through morality, he also tries to align poli-tics with other domains of human spirituality, such as religion and metaphysics. What is common to politics, morality, religion, and metaphysics is the sphere of normativity, i.e., that of purposes, principles, and imperatives. At the same time, Jokubaitis attacks those schools of modern thought which interpret politics as corresponding solely to the physical, animal side of human nature. In this regard, positivism and scientism are singled out as the crudest attempts to misconstrue the nature of politics. The paper is based on a convic-tion that the acknowledgement of the importance of morality allows one to piece together Jokubaitis's various considerations about the nature and distinctiveness of politics into a coherent whole.

The aim of the paper is to reconstruct and analyze Alvydas Jokubaitis's under-standing of politics. It is argued that Jokubaitis couples politics with morality in opposition to the liberal project of the autonomy of politics, which seeks to separate these two fields of human activity. According to Jokubaitis, politics is a realm of realization of the spiritual side of human nature. That is the reason why, through morality, he also tries to align poli-tics with other domains of human spirituality, such as religion and metaphysics. What is common to politics, morality, religion, and metaphysics is the sphere of normativity, i.e., that of purposes, principles, and imperatives. At the same time, Jokubaitis attacks those schools of modern thought which interpret politics as corresponding solely to the physical, animal side of human nature. In this regard, positivism and scientism are singled out as the crudest attempts to misconstrue the nature of politics. The paper is based on a convic-tion that the acknowledgement of the importance of morality allows one to piece together Jokubaitis's various considerations about the nature and distinctiveness of politics into a coherent whole.

Since the 18th century, nationalism – as a modern ideology and a form of culture – has been vitally linked to the printed word and the subsequent mass media technologies of reproduction and dissemination. Because of its potential to transcend the isolation of a local community the press has been used by emerging nationalist politics to implement a new holistic vision of the homogeneous nation. The new identity, that became overwhelmingly important during the 20 century, was shaped by the progressive advances of chemistry and technological leaps in typography and lithography. Marshal McLuhan has reflected on this interrelation in his famous Understanding Media: the press, the magazine seem to be the most adequate means to address the public as huge as nations are, thus McLuhan has defined print media as the architect of nationalism.

Since the 18th century, nationalism – as a modern ideology and a form of culture – has been vitally linked to the printed word and the subsequent mass media technologies of reproduction and dissemination. Because of its potential to transcend the isolation of a local community the press has been used by emerging nationalist politics to implement a new holistic vision of the homogeneous nation. The new identity, that became overwhelmingly important during the 20 century, was shaped by the progressive advances of chemistry and technological leaps in typography and lithography. Marshal McLuhan has reflected on this interrelation in his famous Understanding Media: the press, the magazine seem to be the most adequate means to address the public as huge as nations are, thus McLuhan has defined print media as the architect of nationalism.

Since the 18th century, nationalism – as a modern ideology and a form of culture – has been vitally linked to the printed word and the subsequent mass media technologies of reproduction and dissemination. Because of its potential to transcend the isolation of a local community the press has been used by emerging nationalist politics to implement a new holistic vision of the homogeneous nation. The new identity, that became overwhelmingly important during the 20 century, was shaped by the progressive advances of chemistry and technological leaps in typography and lithography. Marshal McLuhan has reflected on this interrelation in his famous Understanding Media: the press, the magazine seem to be the most adequate means to address the public as huge as nations are, thus McLuhan has defined print media as the architect of nationalism.

The term "liberal democracy" hides the conflict of two different philosophies. Liberal metaphysics is based on the idea of thing, while democracy is based on the idea of action & process. Democratic process does not have any core of ideas, which is typical of liberalism. The goal of liberal political philosophy is to circumscribe political power. The aim of democracy is the creation of self-government of the citizens. Liberals do not see many things that are important to democrats: common good, community, nation, history & cultural identity. It is possible to speak about fundamental conflict between liberal individualism & general will of democracy. In discussions about democracy there is always at least some confusion about the role of liberalism & democracy. Contemporary theoreticians of democracy do not want to admit that the drawbacks of liberal political philosophy necessarily become the weaknesses of democracy. This is the price we have to pay for the fusion of liberalism & democracy. The drawing of demarcation lines between the spheres of influence of democracy & liberalism today is the main goal of the theory of democracy. Adapted from the source document.

This study (The Focuses of Attention in Lithuanian Literary Criticism (1991 – 2005), Marginalia, Canon of Analysis and Taboo) demonstrates the critical connection to Lithuanian science of literature and Lithuanian literary criticism. The attention is concentrated on traditional strategies of literary discursivity, which functioning is very intensive in our surroundings. Critic is directed over the "high literature canon", which is hegemonisated, absoluted, mistificated. Author is regarded as the important institute, which produces meanings – sytems of signification. These meanings are connected with the author as a transcendental subject. So traditional literary criticism lay a stress on the interflow of ethics and aesthetics. That is why value politics do not tolerate popculture, as if was felt longing for the former "general strategies", reasoning about historical monolithic, general limitings and meanings. The new (post)modern aesthetic experience surpasses the limits of aesthetics, established by the traditional Western metaphysics; so the limits of the contemporary aesthetics were considerably expanded and deprived of distinct determinations. But despite that traditional critics unflaggingly persist in the analysis of literature, predicated on hierarchical dualism. It's maintained, that there is ability to resist against such "uniting" position just creating self-critical discourses, modernly determinating the role of Lithuanian literature and culture. It's important to explane, which discourses help to appear for the new political / nationspaces, which models of the fetishistic discursivity limit them, narrow the disperse of general identities.

This study (The Focuses of Attention in Lithuanian Literary Criticism (1991 – 2005), Marginalia, Canon of Analysis and Taboo) demonstrates the critical connection to Lithuanian science of literature and Lithuanian literary criticism. The attention is concentrated on traditional strategies of literary discursivity, which functioning is very intensive in our surroundings. Critic is directed over the "high literature canon", which is hegemonisated, absoluted, mistificated. Author is regarded as the important institute, which produces meanings – sytems of signification. These meanings are connected with the author as a transcendental subject. So traditional literary criticism lay a stress on the interflow of ethics and aesthetics. That is why value politics do not tolerate popculture, as if was felt longing for the former "general strategies", reasoning about historical monolithic, general limitings and meanings. The new (post)modern aesthetic experience surpasses the limits of aesthetics, established by the traditional Western metaphysics; so the limits of the contemporary aesthetics were considerably expanded and deprived of distinct determinations. But despite that traditional critics unflaggingly persist in the analysis of literature, predicated on hierarchical dualism. It's maintained, that there is ability to resist against such "uniting" position just creating self-critical discourses, modernly determinating the role of Lithuanian literature and culture. It's important to explane, which discourses help to appear for the new political / nationspaces, which models of the fetishistic discursivity limit them, narrow the disperse of general identities.

The aim of the paper is to grasp the understanding of the unity of Europe from the selected political articles "Deux messinismes politiques" and metaphysical poems "Ars Magna" and "Les Arcanes" of Milosz and situate it in the context of the ideas of his contemporaries, in particular catholic pro-federalists and the Paneuropean movement. The analysis shows that Milosz is critical about the situation of interwar Europe which he faces. On the one hand, the countries are too interested in material goals and politics is not based on moral principles. On the other hand, poet reflects the wrong metaphysics of his time, because the people are sceptical towards the faith. Nevertheless Milosz should not be considered as a pessimist, because he proposes ideas how to save Europe. His premises on the unity of Europe can be divided in three parts: goal, manner and foundation. The first one is a goal of European unity. From the Milosz point of view, the unity is natural situation, which is going to be reached together with the moral evolution of European people. This differs from mostly pragmatic approach to this question by his contemporaries paneuropists. The second one is about a manner of the unification. Milosz criticizes attemps to unite on the basis of one exceptional country, rather he favours the collaboration of nations. It does not mean that nations are all the same – poet notes – they can prosper because of differences among them. For example ancient nations such as Lithuanians can renew other ones due to their exceptional history and spirit. On the political grounds as well as his contemporaries catholic pro-federalists he was favourable of federalism which respects the differences among nations and does not try to melt them away. In addition to this, Milosz as well as mentioned thinkers stresses the role of the Catholic Church which can create spiritual affinity among the nations of Europe.

The aim of the paper is to grasp the understanding of the unity of Europe from the selected political articles "Deux messinismes politiques" and metaphysical poems "Ars Magna" and "Les Arcanes" of Milosz and situate it in the context of the ideas of his contemporaries, in particular catholic pro-federalists and the Paneuropean movement. The analysis shows that Milosz is critical about the situation of interwar Europe which he faces. On the one hand, the countries are too interested in material goals and politics is not based on moral principles. On the other hand, poet reflects the wrong metaphysics of his time, because the people are sceptical towards the faith. Nevertheless Milosz should not be considered as a pessimist, because he proposes ideas how to save Europe. His premises on the unity of Europe can be divided in three parts: goal, manner and foundation. The first one is a goal of European unity. From the Milosz point of view, the unity is natural situation, which is going to be reached together with the moral evolution of European people. This differs from mostly pragmatic approach to this question by his contemporaries paneuropists. The second one is about a manner of the unification. Milosz criticizes attemps to unite on the basis of one exceptional country, rather he favours the collaboration of nations. It does not mean that nations are all the same – poet notes – they can prosper because of differences among them. For example ancient nations such as Lithuanians can renew other ones due to their exceptional history and spirit. On the political grounds as well as his contemporaries catholic pro-federalists he was favourable of federalism which respects the differences among nations and does not try to melt them away. In addition to this, Milosz as well as mentioned thinkers stresses the role of the Catholic Church which can create spiritual affinity among the nations of Europe.