Suchergebnisse

Padom Zapadnog Rimskog Carstva 476. poslije Kr. te ulaskom Gota u Rim, Europa se raspala na mnogo tada neorganiziranih, nepovezanih entiteta koji su započinjali izgradnju vlastitoga kulturnog i političkog identiteta. Kako je vrijeme prolazilo, tako se sve više gubio jedan unificirani mjerni sustav (rekli bismo: antički SI sustav mjera) te sve ono kulturno i tehnološko naslijeđe koje je Rim nakon sebe ostavio. Mjerni sustav uvijek je potreban da bi bilo koji vid društvene aktivnosti uopće opstao. S obzirom da je područje rimskog utjecaja bilo ogromno, a da je na njemu nastalo mnogo novih entiteta, nisu se uspjeli zadržati već uvriježeni mjerni sustavi nego su se počeli stvarati i upotrebljavati lokalni sustavi. Uporaba lokalnih mjernih sustava bila je katkad toliko rascjepkana da su gradovi koji su jedni drugima vidjeli zidine imali potpuno drugačije definirane odnose unutar mjernih sustava. Opisivanje svih mjernih jedinica tijekom srednjeg vijeka zahtijevalo bi puno vremena. Ovdje će biti opisano sve ono što se odnosi na mjerenje mase, što izravno ili neizravno utječe na točnost odnosno bolje rečeno vjerodostojnost izmjera, poglavito pri obavljanju razmjene novca u trgovanju na područjima s različitim mjernim sustavima. Te pojave često su iskorištavali ovlašteni mjenjači novca koji su na "zakonit" način potkradali drugu stranu.

U radu se donosi presjek izvora (epigrafičkih, diplomatičkih, narativnih, kartografskih) i kritički pogled u historiografiju za srednjovjekovni i ranonovovjekovni Beram, koji u kontekstu hrvatskoga glagoljaštva zauzima iznimno važno mjesto. Iako je riječ o ruralnome području s pojedinim urbanim elementima – jedan je od kaštela Pazinske knežije sa statusom gradića (Stätl) te župa Porečke biskupije – to mjesto baštini povijesnoumjetničke i glagoljične spomenike iznimne važnosti. U prvome su to redu hrvatskoglagoljični rukopisi Prvi i Drugi beramski misal te Prvi i Drugi beramski brevijar (danas svi u Narodnoj in univerzitetnoj knjižnici u Ljubljani, Slovenija) te župna crkva sv. Martina, izvorno srednjovjekovno zdanje, o čemu svjedoči glagoljični natpis iz 1431., i gotička crkva sv. Marije na Škrilinah sa zidnim slikama (freskama) koje je 1474. slikao majstor Vincent iz Kastva (lat. Vincentius de Castua). Te su freske jedan od najvrjednijih radova domaće istarske srednjovjekovne umjetnosti. Poseban će se naglasak staviti na izvore (osobito na neobjavljene zapisnike vizitacija porečkih biskupa tijekom 17. i 18. stoljeća) i historiografiju u pogledu proučavanja Berma i njegove spomeničke te rukopisne baštine s pokušajem davanja odgovora na jedno od ključnih pitanja: kakve su bile političke i crkvene, društveno-gospodarske, a napose kulturne prilike u Bermu u promatranome razdoblju kao preduvjet za razumijevanje mjesta čuvanja i mogućega nastanka pojedinih glagoljičnih rukopisa koji se povezuju s tamošnjom župom. ; Beram is a settlement in central Istria (Croatia) that has existed since the early Middle Ages. Its predominantly Slavic-Croatian character has been verified very early in archival records and documents, as well as in its Glagolitic cultural features. Beram (Vermo in Italian, Verm in German) holds an important place in the study of Mediaeval Istria and Croatian Glagolitism. Though it is a rural area with some urban elements (it was one of the castles of Pazin County, and had e.g. 148 hearths in 1578, with the status of a minor city [Ger. Stätl]), this settlement boasts historical and artistic monuments and a Glagolitic heritage of exceptional importance. Primarily, these consist of Croatian Glagolitic manuscripts (the 15th-century First and Second Missal of Beram and the First and Second Beram Breviary, held at the National and University Library in Ljubljana, Slovenia); the present day parish church of St. Martin, originally from 1431; and the Gothic church of St. Mary on Škrilinah with frescoes painted in 1474 by master Vincent of Kastav (Lat. Vincentius de Castua). These frescoes are among the most valuable works of local Istrian Mediaeval art. In the early modern period (16th to 18th century), Beram was host to both dramatic wartime conflicts (1615-1618) and an attempt at spiritual regeneration by means of Catholic restoration. It is a place that was divided in terms of government during the period under study. While administratively belonging to the Habsburg Monarchy, spiritual authority was exercised by a Venetian subject holding the office of bishop of Poreč. This fact will represent an important obstacle in the spiritual development of both this and other micro-locations in Istria. The paper analyses the cultural, social, and religious circumstances of Beram throughout a period stretching from the Middle Ages to the early modern period. The paper is also based on the existing historiographic literature and an unpublished 17th-century record of pastoral visitations. Special emphasis is placed on the historical perspective of the study of Beram and its sacral and manuscript heritage from the Middle Ages to the early modern period; an interdisciplinary approach to future research and appreciation of this historical region is suggested. A review of published works related to the history of the Catholic Church in Istria is also provided, noting that an overview of the Istrian Church's history in the 16th and 17th centuries has yet to be produced. Details are also provided concerning archival materials from the period found in depositories such as the Diocesan Archives in Poreč, the Diocesan Archives of Trieste, and the Vatican Apostolic Archive, as well as in local parish archives and registers, which were mainly written in Glagolitic. The authors will seek to guide scholars to this rich vein of sources as a basis for future research.

Zdenac (Izdenc, today Zdenci) was in the Middle Ages a specific territorial unit which had initially been an integral part of the Somogy County, afterwards (from the second half of the 13th century) it was part of the Garić County. The big road leading to Virovitica traversed this area and as a travel route it dated back to antiquity when it had been one of the most important routes connecting the Posavina and Podravina main road. In the Middle Ages the most significant settlements alongside this road were Donji Zdenac, where in the 13th-14th century the square, the castrum and the parish church were registered, and Gornji Zdenac, where in the 13th-14th century the parish church and later the castrum were mentioned. Alongside the same road, more westward, there was the Parish Church of St. Stephen the King attached to the adjacent settlement Crna Rijeka, which was situated in the area of Ilovski Klokočevac. On basis of a military map from the 18th century, the text recommends the precise location of two more churches mentioned in the sources of Zdenci from the 14th century – the Church of King St. Stephen (south of Grubišno Polje) and the Church of St. Nicholas (between Mala Barna and Mala Peratovica). Because of the toponym Sesvete, it is also suggested that All Saints' Church be located here; it was mentioned in the 16th century, to the left side of the Ilova River, between Veliki Zdenci and Končanica. ; Zdenac je u srednjem vijeku činio određenu teritorijalnu cjelinu koja se prvo nalazila u sklopu velikog Šomođskog komitata, a zatim (od druge polovice 13. stoljeća) u sklopu Komitata Garić. Ovim područjem prolazila je velika cesta prema Virovitici, koja kao prometni pravac kontinuira iz razdoblja antike kada je bila jedan od značajnih pravaca što su povezivali posavsku i podravsku magistralu. Uz tu su cestu u srednjem vijeku nastala kao značajnija naselja Donji Zdenac, gdje se u 13-14. stoljeću spominju trg, kastrum i župna crkva, te Gornji Zdenac – gdje se u 13-14. st. spominje župna crkva, a kasnije i ...

Nastavak arheoloških istraživanja gotičke ivanovačke kapele na lokalitetu Stari grad u Pakracu, građene u ranom 13. stoljeću i preuređene oko 1500. godine, donio je nove znanstvene spoznaje. Zbog veće količine vlage, pogotovo na sjevernoj polovici broda, očuvane su i istražene konstrukcije drvenih stupova te drvenih lijesova, povezanih drvenim klinovima, moždanicima. Utvrđeno je da na lokalitetu postoji više faza ukopavanja te je istraženo deset grobova, a jedan od najzanimljivih nalaza je željezni vrh strelice samostrela pronađen u križnoj kosti pokojnika, ukopanog uz južni zid. ; The continuation of the archaeological excavation of the Gothic Chapel of the Knights Hospitaller at the site of Pakrac – Stari Grad, built in the early 13th century and rebuilt around 1500, brought new scientific insights. Due to higher humidity, especially on the northern half of the nave, wooden pole structures were preserved and researched, as well as wooden coffins connected by wooden bolts, stud connectors. It was ascertained that there were several phases of burials and ten graves were excavated, one of the most interesting finds being an iron tip of a crossbow arrow discovered in the sacrum of the deceased individual buried along the southern wall.

Sjeverno od Klošta Ivanića, u Staroj Marči u srednjem se vijeku nalazio samostan Reda kanonika Svetog groba Gospodinova u Jeruzalemu. O njemu, nakon 1207. godine, kada se prvi put spominje, gotovo da nema više podataka. Tijekom 16. st., uslijed opasnosti od osmanlijskih napada, u napušteni samostan se useljavaju kaluđeri istočnog obreda i formiraju samostan i crkvu svetog Mihajla Arhanđela. U tom samostanskom kompleksu je tijekom 17. st. bilo i sjedište grkokatoličkog biskupa. No, tridesetih godina 18. stoljeća Marča je opljačkana i razrušena. Povijest je Marči bila nesklona te su crkva i samostan postali tek arheološka pozicija. Godine 1999. teren je pregledan te su tom prigodom ustanovljeni tragovi samostana i opkopni jarak koji ga je okruživao. No, nakon par godina, lokacija samostana je preorana, a teren planski predviđen za seoski turizam obližnjih gospodarstava. ; The plateau of a hill in Stara Marča, not far from Kloštar Ivanić, was a suitable location for the medieval monastery of the Canons Regular of the Holy Sepulchre, as well as an Eastern-Rite monastery and an Orthodox monastery afterwards. No traces of above-ground edifices can be found today, although uneven spots in the terrain's configuration present until the late 20th century were proof of their existence. According to the research of past monasteries of the now-extinct Canons Regular of the Holy Sepulchre Order undertaken by Lelja Dobronić, their house and their church were located in (Stara) Marča. A royal decree of King Andrew II issued to the Canons regular of the Holy Sepulchre shows that there was "a house of the Order of the Holy Sepulchre in Marča" as early as 1207. That is the only mention of Marča as a manor and monastery ("house") in historical sources that are known to us. In 1611 several Eastern-Rite Catholics led by Episcope S. Vratanja fled from Ottoman-controlled areas and settled in Marča. They established their monastery and Church of St. Michael the Archangel on the ruins of the Catholic monastery. The Bishop of Zagreb P. Domitrović (1611 – 1628) not only granted church land in Marča to Episcope S. Vratanja, but also made him the Archimandrite of the monastery. However, Emperor Leopold I granted a royal charter granting significant rights to Patriarch A. Crnojević, who led the settlement of many Serbian refugees. Arsenije Crnojević visited Marča and requested to take it over based on that decree. The request was denied by the Eastern-Rite episcopes and thus in 1735 the Orthodox monks drove out the Easter-Rite ones, making Marča an Orthodox monastery. The Eastern-Rite monks brought an action to restore possession over Marča which was successful, which prompted the Orthodox monks to set fire to the monastery in 1739. Piarists took over the abandoned building in mid-18th century at the behest of Queen Maria Theresa with a view of educating children in Bjelovar, a new military city in the vicinity. However, they did not stay in Marča, which was in a decrepit state, for long. During the 19th century the buildings of the monastery were obviously dilapidated and started to crumble and disappear. Nothing can be found on that location today, but the approximate appearance of the building can be gleaned from the ground-plans and accounts from old maps and prints.

Probna arheološka istraživanja u Sotinu, koja su provedena u ljeto 2011., imala su za cilj provjeriti hipotezu o položajima sjevernog i južnog ruba željeznodobnog groblja. Istovremeno se pokušao locirati južni obrambeni jarak privremenog vojnog logora otkrivenog na položaju Jaroši 2010. godine. U istraživanjima 2011. godine, uz ostatke zemunice badenske kulture, pronađeno je 15 grobova daljske grupe iz starijeg željeznog doba te 6 rimskih grobova na istočnoj nekropoli Cornacuma položenih uz jednu od rimskih prometnica. Na južnom rubu ranosrednjovjekovnog naselja na Srednjem polju otkrivena je poluzemunica s ognjištem. Rezultati ovogodišnjih istraživanja potvrdili su kako se radi o izuzetno važnom nalazištu u hrvatskom Podunavlju s tragovima naseljenosti iz svih vremenskih razdoblja. ; Trial archaeological excavations undertaken in 2011 in Sotin, lasting in continuity from 2008 in cooperation between the Institute of Archaeology and the City Museum of Vukovar, their goal being the verification of the hypothesis as to the location of the northern and the southern edge of the Iron Age cemetery as well as the attempt to locate the southern moat of the temporary military camp discovered during the 2010 research. The research was conducted on two sites on the south (Jaroši) and on the east (Srednje polje) part of Sotin on the area of 1308 m2. In the probe 10 on Jaroš, cuts of ditches were found that are likely to belong to a section of the Roman road, alongside two Dalj group incineration graves that are assumed to be located on the southern edge of the Iron Age cemetery. Probes 11 and 12 are situated on the edge of the site Srednje polje in the direction of Vašarište. In the probe 11, a pit house was found with fireplace, as well as a pit dated to the Early Middle Ages. In the northern part of the probe 12, a portion of the Baden culture pit house was excavated, but the most important is a discovery of 13 graves of the group Dalj that were scattered over the central part of the small oval elevation. In the southern part of the probe 12, three trenches were found; these are probably the remains of the road, along which six graves of the Cornacum Eastern Necropolis were unearthed. Bearing in mind current archaeological knowledge about Sotin, results of the 2011 research at Jaroš and Srednje polje shed light on the southern boundary of the Copper Age settlement and the southern and northern borders of the Iron Age cemetery. Based on the results of the regional studies of graves of group Dalj it can be assumed that the inhabitants of Iron Age Sotin were buried in small groups that were organized in rows by the ancestral principle, with the possible existence of the horizontal stratigraphy. The discovery of the grave 69, belonging to a prominent woman of the community, is particularly exceptional. A multi-piece ceramic service was found in the burial place, with two urns containing bones, as well as parts of jewellery worn by the deceased while she was still alive (bronze spiral rings, pendants made of shell and stone, two bracelets made of bronze sheet) in one of them. Next to the urn, oval and pyramidal weights as part of the loom, and two vessels in the shape of birds were placed. Apart from the grave 69, a number of ceramic and metal contributions were also found in graves 65 and 78, which, alongside with the grave 1 from the earlier research, indicate burials of prominent members of the community in this part of the cemetery. Ceramography of the Iron Age cemetery in Sotin shows prevailing similarity with finds from the cemetery Doroslovo in Bačka, while on the other hand, the metal contributions substantially differ from those in Doroslov and those retrieved on the nearby cemetery Vukovar-Lijeva Bara from the same period. Based on the ceramic forms and found metal objects (brooches, bracelets), graves located on Srednje polje and Jaroš are dated to the 8th century BC, that is to the IIIa phase according to the periodization created by C. Metzner-Nebelsick (Metzner-Nebelsick 2002: 172-175, Abb. 75). During the research in 2011 it was noted that probably two roads existed on the southeast and on the east of the Roman settlement. Alongside the one on the north, that is, closer to the Danube, six Roman incineration and skeletal graves were discovered. So far, during the trial researches in Sotin, total of 35 Roman graves have been found. Investigated segment of the early Medieval settlement indicates that it was much larger than it had been assumed at first, or that the cemetery was located where the metal artefacts from the same period were discovered earlier. Further research and field surveys will give us a clue to some yet unanswered questions about life in Sotin through the millennia.

Tijekom lipnja i srpnja 2019. godine Institut za arheologiju proveo je treću kampanju arheoloških istraživanja na lokalitetu Pakrac – Stari grad usredotočenu na pronađene ostatke gotičke ivanovačke kapele koja se nalazila u dvorištu njihova grada, odnosno – još ranije – u sklopu njihova domusa. Ustanovljeni su ostaci dviju osnovnih faza gradnje kapele. U prvoj, ranogotičkoj fazi, jednobrodna kapela, dimenzija oko 16 x 6,5 m, građena je od fino obrađenih klesanaca. Imala je četiri para polustupova koji su nosili križno-rebrasti svod. Istodobno je uz nju sagrađeno i vretenasto stubište, a u istočnome zidu uočeni su tragovi sakrarija. Profilacije svodnih rebara bademastoga presjeka te baze polustupova datiraju ovu fazu u prvu polovicu 13. stoljeća. U drugoj, kasnogotičkoj fazi kapele, zidovi su izvana podebljani te im je debljina otprilike udvostručena, a istočno uz kapelu dodana je cilindrična kula. Izveden je i novi portal koji datira oko 1500. godine. Čini se da je kapela, osobito njezin istočni dio, prije toga preuređenja bila vrlo snažno oštećena, možda čak i srušena pa ponovno građena, no ta će se pretpostavka morati provjeriti u narednim kampanjama. U kapeli je istraženo i nekoliko grobova i grobnica. Većina najkasnije pokopanih pokojnika bila je, čini se, ekshumirana prigodom napuštanja kapele. ; In June and July 2019, the Institute of Archaeology undertook the third campaign of archaeological excavations at the site of Pakrac – Stari Grad, focusing on the found remains of the Gothic chapel of the Knights Hospitaller that used to stand in the courtyard of their town or, earlier, within their domus. Remains of two basic phases of the construction of the chapel have been identified. In the first, early Gothic phase, a single-nave chapel measuring around 16 x 6.5 m was built of finely worked stone. It had four pairs of half-pillars that supported a cross-ribbed vault. An adjacent spindle staircase was built at the same time; also, traces of a sacrarium were observed in the east wall. The almond-sectioned design of the vault ribs and the base of the half-pillars date this phase to the first half of the 13th century. In the second, late Gothic phase of the chapel, the walls were thickened on the outside, which made them approximately two times thicker, and a cylindrical tower was added to the east of the chapel. A new portal was built around the year 1500. The chapel, especially its eastern part, seems to have been badly damaged before that renovation, maybe even demolished and rebuilt, but we will have to verify this assumption in future campaigns. Several graves and tombs were uncovered in the chapel. Most of the dead who were the last to be buried there seem to have been exhumed when the chapel was abandoned.

Mletačka i Đenovska Republika bile su najveće trgovačke sile svojega vremena, a njihov uspon je bio rezultat raznih čimbenika i događaja poput vakuuma moći nakon četvrtoga križarskoga rata i ekonomskoga razvoja usmjerenoga na prekomorsku. Glavno prijeporno područje bile su trgovačke luke na Levantu, uz obale Crnoga mora te brojni otoci na Jonskom i Egejskom moru. Četiri mletačko-genoveška rata vođena su u 13. i 14. stoljeću na prostoru od venecijanske lagune do poluotoka Krima, a Venecija je iz tih ratova izišla kao glavna kolonijalna sila u istočnom Sredozemlju. Jezgru Mletačkoga Stato da Mar i colonie genovesi činili su otok Kreta i poluotok Krim naseljeni talijanskim kolonistima. U manjim posjedima đenovski i mletački kolonijalni dužnosnici morali su se prilagoditi lokalnim običajima i elitama. U kasnom srednjem vijeku đenovske i mletačke kolonije postale su ključan dio njihove trgovačke mreže, prvenstveno zbog strateškoga položaja i dvostruke vojno-trgovačke namjene. Njihove trgovačke rute bile su prilično stabilne, a kasnije su ih dodatno osnažile nove pomorske tehnologije i poslovne inovacije. Usporedba đenovske i mletačke kolonijalne uprave pokazuje znatne sličnosti i razlike između dviju pomorskih republika. Obje republike su oblikovale kolonijalnu upravu prema modelu sjevernotalijanskih gradova-država. Mletačkim kolonijama uglavnom se upravljalo centralno iz metropole, dok su Đenovljani svojim kolonijama davali veći stupanj autonomije prvenstveno zbog njihova ekonomskoga značenja za metropolu. Svi glavni sudski i trgovački uredi bili su rezervirani za talijanske koloniste, a nižerangirani položaji s ograničenim funkcijama prepuštani su kolonijalnomu stanovništvu. U odnosu na protekcionističku i partikularističku politiku đenovskih cehova, mletački su imali više sindikalni pristup. Improvizirani venecijanski bankarski sustav je znatno zaostajao za đenovskim bankama poput slavne Banke sv. Jurja. Iako su mletačka monetarna politika i denominacijski sustav bili znatno složeniji od đenovskih, unutarnji i ...

Late Antiquity, known as a transitory phase between Antiquity and the Middle Ages that encompasses the 4th-6th centuries, was characterized by major historical events that led not only to political and administrative changes, but also social, cultural and religious changes. This paper will elaborate the impact of these changes in the province of Dardania, of which the central territory corresponds to today's Kosovo, with a specific focus on the spread of Christianity and Christian architecture and changes in settlement patterns, as people moved from field settlements to hillforts. Moreover, it will present architectural features and the role of fortifications in Late Antiquity. ; Kasna antika, prijelazno razdoblje iz antike u srednji vijek, odnosno period od 4. do 6. stoljeća, obilježena je važnim povijesnim događanjima koja su rezultirala promjenama ne samo u političkom i administrativnom smislu, već i u društvenim, kulturnim i religijskim aspektima. Ovaj rad bavi se utjecajem tih promjena u provinciji Dardaniji, čije je središnje područje smješteno na današnjem Kosovu. Posebna pažnja bit će posvećena širenju kršćanstva i kršćanske arhitekture, promjenama u naseljima, te premještanjima stanovništva iz nizinskih naselja na gradine. U radu se donose i karakteristike arhitekture i uloga fortifikacija u kasnoj antici.

Autor donosi prikaze osobnih proučavanja utvrđenih zbijenih naselja na položajima Gradina na Prizni, na sjevernom obalnom rubu Velebitskog kanala i utvrde Sutojanj na sjevernom rtu otoka Paga. To su primjeri utvrda, koje se uklapaju u cirkummediteransku sliku kastrizacije primjerene epohi cara Justinijana I. (527.-565.). Osvrtanje na spomenuta dva primjera utvrda od posebne je važnosti, jer s preostalim utvrdama uz sjevernu obalu Velebitskog kanala zapravo ocrtava početke procesa kastrizacije na arhipelagu i istočnom pročelju Jadrana. Taj je proces ujedno odredio i oblikovanje osebujnog kulturnog krajobraza na svršetku kasne antike i početku ranoga srednjeg vijeka u kojem će Bizantsko Carstvo, posredovanjem urbanih središta, dati znatan prinos. ; Taking as an example a part of the Velebit coastal area and the Pag archipelago group in the northern Dalmatian islands, in our paper dedicated to Nenad Cambi, whose work and life we are celebrating, we look at two important points in the area. Concerned are the positions of the fortification complexes of Gradina on Prizna, on the northern coastal rim of the Velebit Channel, located opposite the fortress of Sutojanj on the northern point of Pag Island. These are examples of fortified compact settlements with important components, or ports, which fit into the circum-Mediterranean image of the castrification typical of the epoch of Emperor Justinian I (527-565). Reference to these two examples of forts is particularly important, for with the other fortifications along the northern coast of the Velebit Channel the beginnings of the process of the castrification in the archipelago and along the eastern facade of the Adriatic can be depicted. This process also defined the beginnings of the Early Middle Ages. During summer and late autumn 1989 and 1990 the present author carried out a detailed reconnoitre of the field in the area from the strait of Novsko ždrilo in the south east to Donja Prizna on the south west of the Velebit Channel. Also carried out was an immediate field autopsy of the western part of the island of Pag. During these investigations an endeavour was made to verify the hypothesis that there are several new sites, or sites not well enough known to scholarship, on which there are significant characteristics of military construction from the time of the early rule of Byzantium in the Adriatic. From the field walking and remote research and the interpretation of monumental complexes and visits to the fortifications in Prizna and Sutojanj, it is possible to conclude that the archaeological facts found can persuade us that they belonged to a very important cultural and historical bridge across which Late Antiquity we gradually transited into the Early Middle Age. This is a very interesting transitional period marked by the widely ranging activity of the Eastern Roman Emperor Justinian I (537-565). The consequences of this activity are revealed on the eastern facade and the archipelago of the Adriatic and in its hinterland with a unique organisation of the physical space, with the building of new types of fort, with the renovation of the fortifications of urban centres, with marked secular and religious construction going on in every corner of the vast empire, then with the thallasocracy in the Mediterranean, and its northernmost gulf, the Adriatic. The new urbanism on the classical base, the victorious progress of Christianity marked by the policy and personality of Justinian I, the wide ranging commerce over great distances, founded on well distributed artistic and artisanal work, then warfare at several theatres of war, all changed the organisation of the space and created new cultural landscapes. Such landscapes, with their new place names, particularly the hagyotoponyms and the lasting points of reference - the forts and churches, were turned into a part of the world heritage that should be the subject of scholarly research, evaluation and presentation as added value to the tourist product. The epoch of Justinian I had a crucial influence on the beginnings of the formation of the early Middle Ages and at the same time preceded the long-lasting presence of the Byzantine Empire in the urban centres up and down the easternmshores of the Adriatic.

Autor priređuje i analizira neobjavljenu listinu, izdanu 1386. godine u Dvigradu, kojom je sklopljen savez između dvigradske komune, nominalno pod jurisdikcijom akvilejskih patrijarha, i Hugona VIII. Devinskog, kapetana susjedne Istarske grofovije, upravne regije pod vrhovnom vlašću kuće Habsburg. Ističući razne nedaće koje su pogodile Akvilejski patrijarhat i Markgrofoviju Istru tijekom zadnjih desetljeća 14. stoljeća, imenovanje je Hugona VIII. kao novoga advokata (tj. zaštitnika, lat. advocatus) Dvigrada interpretirano u svjetlu jurisdikcijskoga pluraliteta, poroznih granica istarskoga srednjovjekovlja i, najvažnije, recipročne naravi odnosa između gospodara i podanika. Autor zaključuje da je novoutemeljeni savez bio prvenstveno motiviran nemoći tadašnjih istarskih markgrofova da svojim podanicima pruže primjerenu vojnu zaštitu, pogotovo u kontekstu tradicionalnih graničnih sporova između podanika akvilejske Crkve s jedne i Istarske grofovije s druge strane. Štoviše, kako je Akvilejski patrijarhat potonuo u građanski rat, koji je suprotstavio promletački tabor na čelu s Udinama protiv propadovanskoga, koji su vodili de iure patrijarh Filip d'Alençon i Čedad, Hugon VIII. Devinski postao je jedan od najmoćnijih regionalnih vlastodržaca. Istovremeno, tadašnji istarski markgrof, Dujam od Castella, otvoreno je podržavao promletački front te mu je stoga zakoniti patrijarh d'Alençon osporavao legitimitet ureda; Hugon VIII., s druge strane, ostao je službeno neutralan u ovom sukobu, ali je prešutno podržavao propadovanski savez, postajući de facto neprijatelj istarskoga markgrofa Dujma, de iure gospodara Dvigrada. Upravo je u tom kontekstu neprijateljstva, krize i neizvjesnosti građanskoga rata dvigradska komuna, na čije su teritorije najvjerojatnije pljačkaški upadali podanici Pazinske knežije uz podršku samoga Hugona VIII., odlučila sklopiti savez sa svojim moćnim susjedom, preferirajući imenovati tadašnjega kapetana Pazina kao svojega službenog zaštitnika i plaćati mu godišnji danak (tj. reket), nego ostati vjerna nemoćnoj akvilejskoj Crkvi. ; The author edits and analyzes an inedited charter, issued in Dvigrad in 1386, by which an alliance was forged between the Commune of Dvigrad, nominally under the jurisdiction of Aquileian patriarchs, and Hugo VIII of Duino, the captain of the neighboring County of Istria, a jurisdictional region under the supreme authority of House Habsburg. Highlighting various calamities that plagued the Patriarchate of Aquileia and the Margraviate of Istria during the final decades of the 14th century, the appointment of Hugo VIII as the new guard (Lat. advocatus) of Dvigrad is interpreted in the light of jurisdictional plurality, porous boundaries of Istrian Middle Ages, and, most importantly, the reciprocal nature of the lord-subject relationship. The author concludes that the newly forged alliance was primarily motivated by the inability of the incumbent Istrian margraves to offer adequate military protection to their subjects, especially in the context of traditional border disputes between the subjects of the Church of Aquileia and the subjects of the County of Istria. Moreover, as the Church of Aquileia plunged into civil war which pitted the pro-Venetian faction led by Udine against the pro-Paduan faction led by the de iure patriarch, Philip d'Alençon and Cividale, Hugo VIII of Duino emerged as one of the most powerful regional potentates. At the same time, the incumbent margrave of Istria, Domnius of Castello, openly supported the pro-Venetian front and as such the legitimacy of his office was disputed by the lawful patriarch Alençon; Hugo VIII, on the other hand, remained officially neutral in the conflict, but he tacitly supported the pro-Paduan alliance, becoming a de facto enemy of Margrave Domnius, the de iure lord of Dvigrad. It was in this context of enmity, crisis, and the uncertainty of civil war that the Commune of Dvigrad, most probably pillaged by the neighboring subjects of the County of Pazin backed by Hugo VIII, decided to forge an alliance with their more powerful neighbor, preferring to constitute the incumbent captain of Pazin as their official guard and to pay him a new annual tax (i.e. a protection racket) than to remain faithful to the powerless Church of Aquileia. ; L'autore dispone e analizza un documento inedito, rilasciato nel 1386 a Duecastelli, con il quale fu stabilita l'alleanza tra il comune di Duecastelli, nominalmente sotto la giurisdizione dei Patriarchi di Aquileia, e Ugo VIII di Duino, capitano del vicino Marchesato d'Istria, regione amministrativa sotto l'autorità suprema della casa d'Asburgo. Sottolineando vari disagi che colpirono il patriarcato di Aquileia e il Margraviato d'Istria negli ultimi decenni del XIV secolo, la nomina di Ugo VIII a nuovo avvocato (ovvero protettore, lat. advocatus) di Duecastelli fu interpretata alla luce della pluralità delle giurisdizioni, dei confini porosi del medioevo istriano e, la più importante reciprocità del rapporto tra autorità e sudditi. L'autore conclude che la nuova alleanza stabilita fu motivata soprattutto dall'incapacità dei margravi istriani di allora nell'offrire una protezione militare adeguata ai propri sudditi, soprattutto nel contesto delle tradizionali controversie frontaliere tra i sudditi della Chiesa d'Aquileia da una parte e il Marchesato d'Istria dall'altra parte. Inoltre, dato che il patriarcato di Aquileia sprofondò nella guerra civile che vide opporsi la parte pro veneziana, con a capo Udine, contro quella pro padovana guidata de iure dal patriarca Filippo d'Alençon e Cividale del Friuli, Ugo VIII di Duino diventò uno dei più potenti sovrani regionali. Contemporaneamente, il margravio istriano di allora, Doimo di Castello, sosteneva apertamente il fronte pro veneziano e per quel motivo, il patriarca legittimo d'Alençon, contestava la legittimità dell'ufficio; Ugo VIII, dall'altra parte rimase ufficialmente neutrale in quel conflitto, però sostenne tacitamente l'alleanza pro padovana, diventando de facto nemico del margravio istriano Doimo, de iure padrone di Duecastelli. Proprio in quel contesto di ostilità, crisi e incertezza della guerra civile il comune di Duecastelli, su cui territorio presumibilmente le invasioni dei rapinatori erano effettuate dai sudditi della Contea di Pisino con il sostegno di Ugo VIII stesso, decise di stipulare l'alleanza con il proprio vicino potente, preferendo nominare il capitano di Pisino di allora a proprio protettore ufficiale e a pagargli il tributo annuale (ovvero il racket) che rimanere fedele all'impotente Chiesa di Aquileia.

This paper discusses the medieval theological and political history, and the difference between blue and red blood. The popular phrase blue blood had a special significance during the Middle Ages, and its echo has been present in our culture ever since. One might think that such an abstract concept is only an insignificant legend that emerged from the oral folk tradition without any roots in theory and literature. The author's intention is to present the concept of blue and red blood as a part of fictional genre theory. The fictional genre discourse becomes especially evident when the king's simultaneously natural and supernatural bodies, or more simply, the notion that the king possesses a superbody, are discussed. In the given period the concept of blue blood, which referred to the king's dignity, was coined. Thomas Hobbes, in his famous work Leviathan, develops the social contract theory, which is used to explain the development of the modern political community. Blue blood becomes red when an ordinary citizen becomes involved in politics, as this paper confirms. ; Ovaj rad tematizira srednjovjekovnu teološku i političku povijest, kao i razliku između plave i crvene krvi. Poznati izraz plava krv bio je posebno važan u srednjemu vijeku, a njegov odjek prisutan je u kulturi sve do danas. Mogli bismo pomisliti da je tako apstraktan koncept tek beznačajna legenda, proizašla iz usmene predaje bez ikakvih začetaka u teoriji i književnosti. Namjera je autora predstaviti koncept plave i crvene krvi kao dio teorije fikcijskoga žanra. Diskurs fikcijskoga žanra postaje vidljiv u razmatranju kraljeva istovremenog posjedovanja prirodna i natprirodna tijela, odnosno ideje da kralj posjeduje supertijelo. U danome razdoblju stvoren je koncept plave krvi koji se odnosio na kraljevo dostojanstvo. Thomas Hobbes u svojemu slavnom djelu Levijatan razvija teoriju društvenoga ugovora kojom objašnjava razvoj moderne političke zajednice. Kao što prikazuje ovaj rad, plava krv postaje crvena kada običan građanin postane aktivan ...

Još od 19. stoljeća hrvatska historiografija u Međimurje smješta viteške redove, a do danas se zadržalo mišljenje da je toponim Novi Dvori na području današnje Hlapičine bio dom ivanovaca. Prateći rezultate mađarske i slovenske historiografije, rezultate arheoloških istraživanja te analizirajući izvore dolazimo do zaključka da se srednjovjekovni preceptorat Nova Curia zapravo nalazio na području današnjeg Újudvara kod Velike Kaniže. U nastavku rada bavimo se istoimenim toponimom u Međimurju te dokazujemo da se isti nije ni pojavljivao u izvorima u srednjem vijeku, već se javlja nakon turbulencija koje 16. stoljeće donosi. Tada su zbog osmanske opasnosti Međimurje počele pogađati brojne promjene koje su se odrazile na organizaciju vlastelinstva te samu strukturu stanovništva. Konačno, prateći narativne izvore pokušavamo odgonetnuti i kako je moglo doći do pogreške u 17. stoljeću, odnosno, kako je novovjekovno gospodarsko središte postalo srednjovjekovni samostan. Za kraj nudimo moguće izvore mitova i vijesti o viteškim redovima u Međimurju te samim time i smjerove budućih istraživanja. ; Since the 19th century, Croatian historiography located in Međimurje military orders, and to this day remained the opinion that the toponym Novi Dvori in the area of today's Hlapičina was home of the Order of Saint John. After consulting the results of Hungarian and Slovene historiography, the results of archeological excavations and after analyzing the sources, we come to the conclusion that the medieval presbyitery of Nova Curia was actually in the area of today's Újudvar nearby Velika Kaniža. In the continuation of the paper, we are analyzing the toponym of the same name in Međimurje, and we prove that it did not even appear in sources in the Middle Ages, but occurs after the turbulence of the 16th century. At that time, due to the Ottoman threat, in the area of Međimurje happened numerous changes that affected the organization of the possession and the structure of population. Finally, by analyzing the narrative sources, we are trying to figure out, why the mistake occurred in 17th century, and how a modern period manor house became a medieval monastery. Finally, we try to explain the possible origins of myths and legends about the military orders in the area of Međimurje, and thus directions for future researches.

Do prvih dodira lokalnog stanovništva s njemačkim jezikom, društvom i kulturom dolazi u Varaždinu već u srednjem vijeku zbog naseljavanja kraljevskih gostiju tzv. hospitesa, uglavnom iz njemačkog govornog područja. Daljnje naseljavanje Nijemaca, a time i preuzimanje njihova jezika i društveno-kulturoloških civilizacijskih stečevina, nastupa za vrijeme formiranja Vojne krajine. Vojnički i politički položaj za vrijeme Vojne krajine značio je za Varaždin prolaz njemačke i austrijske vojske, kao i doseljavanje njihovih oficira i administrativnih činovnika koji vode glavnu riječ u gradu i često zagorčavaju život lokalnom stanovništvu. U XIX. st. u Varaždinu se svi ugledniji građani, činovnici i aristokrati uglavnom služe njemačkim jezikom. U sklopu Habsburške Monarhije veze između Varaždinaca i Nijemaca se intenziviraju, dok u vremenu germanizacije i Bachova apsolutizma, Varaždin postaje pravi njemački grad u kojem se svi građani služe njemačkim kao službenim jezikom. Tek početkom I. svjetskog rata građani Varaždina više ne nalaze uzor u svemu što dolazi iz njemačkog govornog područja te se bilježi negativni trend opadanja broja stanovnika koji znaju i uče njemački jezik. ; The first contacts of local people and the German language, society and culture occurred in Varaždin in the Middle Ages, when royal guests, the so called hospites, arrived in the town from primarily German-speaking area. Further arrival of Germans, along with the influence of their language and socio-cultural features, dates back to the establishment of the Military Frontier. Due to the military and political position during the existence of the Military Frontier, German and Austrian armies did not only pass through Varaždin, but their officers and administration clerks also settled down there, representing the most influential people in the town who often caused trouble to the local people. In the nineteenth century, Varaždin's influential citizens, officers and aristocrats primarily spoke the German language. During the reign of the Habsburg Monarchy, the connections between Varaždin's people and the Germans became even more intense, moreover, during the period of Bach's Absolutism, Varaždin became a true German town, in which all inhabitants used German as the official language. When the First World War broke out, the people of Varaždin stopped looking up to everything originating from the German-speaking area, and for the first time the downward trend in the number of inhabitants who speak and study the German language occurred, which has continued until the present day.

U članku se prvi put donosi umjetnička topografija zapadnog dijela Dalmatinske zagore, koja je politički i crkveno kroz svoju povijest bila podijeljena na trogirski i splitski dio. Na ovom se području tek definitivnim odlaskom Turaka razvija život te donose barokne umjetničke forme. Uz podatak iz biskupskih vizitacija 17. i 18. st. analiziraju se crkve i umjetnine iz vremena baroka. ; Western part of the Dalmatian Hinterland which belongs geographically to Split and Trogir throughout centuries had different historic and cultural development than litoral parts of Dalmatia. The teritory between mountains Svilaja and Kozjak, Moseć and the pass of Klis has rarely been a subject of any research except maybe Middle ages. This article is the first survvey of the Baroque art of the 17th and 18th century on this teritory. Historic background of the 17th and 18th century events in Dalmatia are Venetian-Turkish wars which swept over the Dalmatian Inland leaving it practically inhabited. The border between Venetian Republic and the Otoman Empire cut Dalmatia in two parts changing from Nani line, after war of Candia, which left the Inland in the Turkish iurisdiction, to Grimani line and Mocenigo line after the war of Morea which brought it back under the Venetian dominion. The Turkish retreat ment new life for the whole teritory. New population came form Bosnia and Herzegovina which remained Turkish. Together with these christian settlers come their priests. Churches were built together with new villages and new roads. Churches from the 17th and 18the centuries are analized with particular interest in the modest baroque forms which appear. The formal analysis is accompanied with documents, mostly ecclesiestical visitations of the churches of the area. Few baroque, paintengs are preserved, among them Gaspare Diziani's All Saints in the church of Zlopolje. Venetian import is also obvious in numerous silver calices and reliquaries. The general characteristic of the baroque art here is unity between import, mostly Venetian in connection with church and few nobile families who from Serenissima gained estates in Inland for special war merits, and original baroque taste so obvious in wooden sculpture and carvings. These, naive crucifixes with their strong expressiveness are original achievment of the local carvers, plain peasants who living far away from Split and Trogir had in their minds mental pictures of the venetion crucifixes which they tried to repete. Baroque in the Dalmatian Hinterland has not the category of the style. It is more a chronological sequence of the onehundered and fifty years in which this most poor part of Dalmatia tried to develop certain artistic forms which is spite of all efforts remained very modest and provincial.