Abstract This paper investigates whether international migration increases the religious schooling of children in the home country. I find that migration by a household member from Bangladesh to a Muslim-majority country increases the likelihood that a male child in the household is sent to an Islamic school ( madrasa ). There is no significant impact on the likelihood of a male child's madrasa enrollment if the household sends a member to a non-Muslim-majority country. Sending a household member abroad does not affect the likelihood of the household sending children to school at all; it only leads to reallocation toward Islamic schooling. The results are inconsistent with financial remittances underlying the effect of migration on religious schooling. Learning about the potential benefits of madrasa education may explain the results, but there are several weaknesses in the arguments in favor of this mechanism. A third potential mechanism is an increase in religiosity through migrants transferring religious preferences, but I cannot establish a causal relationship between international migration and migrant-sending households' religiosity.
Chapter One. Introduction -- Chapter Two. Methodology -- Chapter Three. Motherhood Discourse in Western Feminism and Chinese Confucianism -- Chapter Four. Running a Restaurant Downstairs and Raising Children Upstairs: Working-class Chinese Mothers in the Netherlands -- Chapter Five. Language Issues for Chinese Migrant Women -- Chapter Six. "Too much rice, no potatoes?": Dealing with Everyday Racism and Discrimination -- Chapter Seven. First-Generation Chinese Immigrant Women's Experience of Using Kraamzorg (Maternity Care Service) in the Netherlands -- Chapter Eight. Drifting Lilies without Roots: Diasporic Subjects and Reflection on Motherhood -- Chapter Nine. Conclusions -- References.
Nuestro artículo tiene como objetivo describir la forma de vida de niñas y niños indígenas jornaleros agrícolas migrantes, así como las particularidades de la migración interna indígena en el noroeste de México. En este marco, los procesos de ajuste de las políticas al campo destruyeron la capacidad económica de los campesinos en favor de un modelo neoliberal e incrementaron los flujos migratorios de las regiones deprimidas (sur-sureste) a las regiones agrícolas desarrolladas del país (noroeste). La migración se ha convertido en una característica inherente a los pueblos indígenas y jornaleros agrícolas; los cambios sociales, culturales, económicos y otros, los han colocado en una situación que los somete a procesos de explotación laboral y a una constante discriminación. La movilidad y el trabajo como condiciones de vida obligan a familias enteras a contratarse como jornaleros en los campos agroindustriales, en este contexto, la incorporación de niños y niñas indígenas migrantes en actividades del mercado agrícola implica que abandonen la escuela y vayan esporádicamente a la escuela para niños migrantes. Adicionalmente, están expuestos a problemas de salud relacionados con la intensa jornada de trabajo, las condiciones en las que lo realizan, los riesgos de la propia actividad laboral, los accidentes durante los traslados al campo, entre otros. ; Notre article vise à décrire le mode de vie des enfants indigènes, travailleurs agricoles migrants, ainsi que les particularités de la migration interne des indigènes dans le nord-ouest du Mexique. Dans ce contexte, les processus d'ajustement des politiques à la campagne ont détruit la capacité économique des paysans au profit d'un modèle néolibéral et accru les flux migratoires des régions défavorisées (sud-sud-est) vers les régions agricoles développées du pays (nord-ouest). La migration est devenue une caractéristique inhérente aux peuples indigènes et aux journaliers agricoles ; les changements sociaux, culturels, économiques et autres les ont placés dans une situation qui les soumet à des processus d'exploitation par le travail et à une discrimination constante. La mobilité et le travail comme condition de vie obligent des familles entières à être embauchées comme journaliers dans les domaines agro-industriels, dans ce contexte, l'incorporation de garçons et de filles indigènes migrants dans les activités du marché agricole implique qu'ils abandonnent l'école et n'y aillent que de façon sporadique. De plus, ils sont exposés aux problèmes de santé dus aux journées de travail intenses, aux conditions de travail, aux risques inhérents à leur activité professionnelle, aux transferts vers les champs et bien d'autres. ; Nosso artigo tem como objetivo descrever o modo de vida das crianças indígenas trabalhadores agrícolas migrantes, bem como as peculiaridades da migração interna indígena no noroeste do México. Nesse contexto, os processos de ajuste de políticas ao campo destruíram a capacidade econômica dos camponeses em favor de um modelo neoliberal e aumentaram os fluxos migratórios das regiões deprimidas (sul-sudeste) para as regiões agrícolas desenvolvidas do país (noroeste). A migração tornou-se uma característica inerente dos povos indígenas e diaristas agrícolas; mudanças sociais, culturais, econômicas e outras as colocaram em uma situação que as sujeita a processos de exploração do trabalho e discriminação constante. A mobilidade e o trabalho como condições de vida obrigam famílias inteiras a serem contratadas como diaristas em campos agroindustriais. Nesse contexto, a incorporação de meninos e meninas migrantes indígenas nas atividades do mercado agrícola implica que eles abandonam a escola e esporadicamente vão para a escola para crianças migrantes. Além disso, estão expostos a problemas de saúde relacionados ao intenso dia de trabalho, às condições em que o fazem, aos riscos de sua própria atividade laboral, aos acidentes durante transferências para o campo, entre outros. ; Our article aims to describe the way of life of migrant agricultural day laborers, as well as the peculiarities of internal indigenous migration in northwestern Mexico. In this framework, the processes of adjustment of policies to the countryside destroyed the economic capacity of the peasants in favor of a neoliberal model and increased migratory flows from the depressed regions (south-southeast) to the developed agricultural regions of the country (northwest). Migration has become an inherent characteristic of indigenous peoples and agricultural day laborers; social, cultural, economic and other changes have placed them in a situation that subjects them to processes of labor exploitation and constant discrimination. Mobility and work as living conditions force entire families to be hired as day laborers in agro-industrial fields, in this context, the incorporation of indigenous migrant boys and girls in agricultural market activities implies that they drop out of school and sporadically go to the school for migrant children. Additionally, they are exposed to health problems related to the intense work day, the conditions in which they do it, the risks of their own work activity, accidents during transfers to the field, among others.
Are households with returnee migrants more entrepreneurial relative to household with non-migrants? We explore this question using household survey data from 31 districts in Nepal. Overall effect of returnee migrants on household's business ownership/entrepreneurship depends on result of two opposing forces at work: on one hand returnee migrants can bring savings, experience and skills needed to set up business, however there is loss of social capital (personal networks) when they are out of the country. Estimating this causal effect is challenging because self-selection of household into outward migration at initial stage and into return migration at final stage. We address self-selection of initial outward migration using instrumental variable approach and address the self-selection at return stage by exploiting the circumstances forced return migration to Nepal due to expiration of work permit/work contract and health reasons. We examine the impact of having returnee migrants on household owning business (general) and agri-business (farming and live-stock).Our result shows that having a returnee migrant increases the probability of household owning agribusiness by 0.16. On the other hand, having a returnee migrant on household decreases the probability of owning general businesses by 0.24.
The Thai migration to Belgium is numerically a woman-led phenomenon, which has captured social attention for the last decades. This attention entails stereotypes about Thai migrant women as 'workers' in the intimate industry and/or 'exotic wives' of Belgian men. To challenge these stereotypes, the present paper explores the often-ignored dimension of Thai women's sociality. Specifically, it examines the transmission dynamics occurring in their Buddhist social spaces, which shape and reinforce their sense of belonging. To do so, it draws from ethnographic fieldwork with Thai migrant women and key social actors within the Thai population in the country. Data analysis unveils that these women engage in multiform modes of transmission in their Buddhist social spaces. First, they transmit good deeds from the material world to the spiritual realm through merit-making practices and by seeking spiritual guidance in the temple. Second, they pass their socio-cultural ways of belonging to their children by engaging in different socializing activities. And third, they involve themselves in sharing religious faith, material symbols, and tastes described as part of Thai culture. Through this multiform transmission, Thai migrant women confront in subtle ways the common-held views about them at the intersection of their various identities as spouses, mothers, citizens, and Buddhist devotees. (ASEAS/GIGA)
For some years, the German public has been debating the case of migrant workers receiving German benefits for children living abroad, which has been scandalised as a case of "benefit tourism". This points to a failure to recognise a striking imbalance between the output of the German welfare state to migrants and the input it receives from migrant domestic workers. In this article I discuss how this input is being rendered invisible or at least underappreciated by sexist, racist, and classist practices of othering. To illustrate the point, I will use examples from two empirical research projects that looked into how families in Germany outsource various forms of reproductive work to both female and male migrants from Eastern Europe. Drawing on the concept of othering developed in feminist and postcolonial literature and their ideas of how privileges and disadvantages are interconnected, I will put this example into the context of literature on racism, gender, and care work migration. I show how migrant workers fail to live up to the normative standards of work, family life, and gender relations and norms set by a sedentary society. A complex interaction of supposedly "natural" and "objective" differences between "us" and "them" are at work to justify everyday discrimination against migrants and their institutional exclusion. These processes are also reflected in current political and public debates on the commodification and transnationalisation of care.
The phenomenon of migrant children going missing has recently received increased attention from the media in several Member States and the European Parliament. The debate focusses on unaccompanied minors who go missing. There is concern that the disappearance of unaccompanied minors is not addressed yet in an effective manner, as reflected in several recent publications by international organisations2 and European NGOs. In response to this concern, the EMN, at the request of the European Commission, has mapped how cases of unaccompanied children going missing are being treated in the Member States, and respectively, how data on missing children is collected. NGOs have been asked to reflect on the outcomes of this mapping exercise.
In February, hundreds more men, women, and children died trying to cross the Mediterranean Sea, now the world's deadliest passage for migrants. More still are likely stranded somewhere on a rickety boat, caught between a country in which they can no longer live and another determined to keep them out. Adapted from the source document.
The article presents the Model of Human Capital depreciation of labor migrants abroad and the depreciation of the existing amount of Human Capital of labor migrants in host countries.The research also presents results of the survey, conducted in the Ternopil region of Ukraine among ex-labor migrants and children of labor migrants, which confirmed the Human Capital depreciation of Ukrainian labor migrants abroad.The study also shows an example of computation of the Human Capital depreciation of a skilled worker who works as a labor migrant in a host country, and for this example uses the Human Capital depreciation rate by Spanish scientists M. Arrazola and J. Hevia.
This article situates the (human) body as a signifier for society at large, arguing that developments in many societies of structural and systematic violence that targets minorities such as refugees and first nation peoples, points to a failure of democratic values. Using two examples, we elaborate technology and digital devices as prosthesis of the body, that are also acting as proxy for state violence. The first example is from the carceral archipelago of Manus Island as a site of remote detention of refugees carried out by the Australian government. Refugees held on Manus Island describe the treatment they experience as torture. The second example is drawn from the Australian mainland, telling the stories of First Nations children subjected to abuse and violence in juvenile detention centers. A judicial inquiry (Royal Commission) found that a systematic approach aimed at punishing children constituted torture. The concepts developed in this article are those of bordering and racialization, while the intertwining of human and "more than human life" helps to understand and challenge the necropolitical power evident in (liberal) capitalism.
Even smaller Western countries receive immigrants from remote areas with poorer living conditions. As stated in the U.N. Child Convention, immigrant children should be given equal opportunities in education. Parents are always interested in their children's future, and education may gain from stronger cooperation between school and parents. Some research shows that even illiterate parents may support their children's training in a second language (Cummins, 1986/2001, p. 665). Dialogues between teachers and parents promote mutual understanding and increase parents' knowledge of school and society. This might make the parents trust society more, enhance their acculturation and reduce future intergenerational conflicts (Portes & Rumbaut, 2001). A professional teacher needs cultural knowledge and understanding in order to give her/his students an education adapted to their needs. Migrant students especially should feel that there is coherence in their education, because cultural conflicts sap their energy and may also cause identity problems and lead to lack of motivation. For teachers it is important that education policy provides for equal opportunities. Norway has an inclusive policy concerning immigrant children. The students have language support to a certain degree both in their mother tongue and in Norwegian when needed. Parents and schools are obliged to cooperate in education, and some support is therefore given to translation. Cooperation is required by conferences and meetings. There are gains for all parties in cooperation between school and migrant parents, but it is difficult to develop mutual cultural understanding for all students and equal opportunities for migrant students. This requires a clear school policy, the means to implement it, and teacher competence. It takes a process to learn how to cooperate and give adequate support. The Norwegian policy shows a will to cooperation, but the implementation of the policy can still be improved. (DIPF/Orig.)
