Suchergebnisse

Data from the Latin American Migration Project (LAMP) collected in Colombia between 2008 and 2015 were used to establish the scarcely studied relationship between social networks and the destinations where Colombians migrate. A logistic regression was employed to predict these migratory destinations. The contribution of this research is that it tests whether social networks tied to a destination are associated with the likelihood to migrate there. The findings support the Social Network Theory and offer an improved measure of social networks. It is shown that in migration gender matters since flow and interactions vary between men and women. There is evidence that men receive a greater benefit from social networks.

Abstract. Over the past four decades total numbers of international migrants have more than doubled but the percentage of the world population migrating has remained fairly constant. There are now 175 million international migrants worldwide or approximately 3.5 per cent of the global population – about half of whom are women, despite the common misconception that men are the migrants. This Overview Report on Gender and Migration takes a broad approach to migration – it looks at the gender dynamics of both international and the lesser-researched internal migration and the interconnections between the two. People may choose to migrate, or have no choice, or the decision may fall somewhere on the continuum between the two. This report therefore covers both forced and voluntary migration, including covering economic and other voluntary migrants, refugees and internally displaced persons and trafficked people. These migrants in turn come through regular (conforming to legal requirements) or irregular channels. Gendered movements: causes and impacts. Individuals may migrate out of desire for a better life, or to escape poverty, political persecution, or social or family pressures. There are often a combination of factors, which may play out differently for women and men. Gender roles, relations and inequalities affect who migrates and why, how the decision is made, the impacts on migrants themselves, on sending areas and on receiving areas. Experience shows that migration can provide new opportunities to improve women's lives and change oppressive gender relations – even displacement as a result of conflict can lead to shifts in gendered roles and responsibilities to women's benefit. However, migration can also entrench traditional roles and inequalities and expose women to new vulnerabilities as the result of precarious legal status, exclusion and isolation. Migration can provide a vital source of income for migrant women and their families, and earn them greater autonomy, self-confidence and social status. At the same time, women migrants, especially if they are irregular migrants, can face stigma and discrimination at every stage of the migration cycle. Before departure, women can be faced with gender-biased procedures and corrupt agents. In fact, gender discrimination, poverty and violence, can provide the impetus for women to migrate or enable women to be trafficked in the first place. During transit and at their destination women can be faced with verbal, physical and sexual abuse, poor housing and encampments, sex-segregated labour markets, low wages, long working hours, insecure contracts and precarious legal status. And upon return to the source country they may be faced with broken families, illness and poverty. Gender and migration in the development context. Although migration is only now emerging as a development issue, migration may lead to development in receiving communities through the contribution of labour and skills. On the other hand, remittances and diaspora investment can provide much-needed economic support to sending communities. However the labour and skills that are brought in – and in turn who benefits – depend on sex-1 segregated labour markets and gendered migration policies which provide differential opportunities for women and men. Sometimes immigration policies push "unskilled" women workers into irregular and more risky migration channels. Migration may also hinder development through the social disruption of displacement due to conflict, or through "brain drain" and possible increases in HIV/AIDS rates, to which women and men are at different risks. Current policy approaches Theory, policy and practice that link gender equality concerns with migration from a development perspective are rare. Migration is still primarily seen as the concern of the state and migration as a development issue is only just emerging, with limited attention being paid to gender. Indeed, migration remains on the margins of the global policy agenda, with the exception of that which is conflict- and disaster-induced. While there is increasing recognition that women are also migrants and that the causes and impacts of migration are gendered, attempts to mainstream gender issues into policy are patchy. Work has focused primarily on "adding women" as a discriminated and vulnerable group, particularly in relation to displacement due to conflict and trafficking for sexual exploitation. The many women-focused policies and programmes initiated by NGO and civil society organisations largely focus on empowering, protecting and supporting women migrants. Shift to a gendered human rights approach If women and men are to benefit from the empowering and development potential of migration, a shift is needed to a gendered human rights approach to migration. The key elements of such an approach could be: Immigration and emigration policies that enable women as well as men to take up opportunities that safe and regular migration may offer, and which will foster the positive impacts of migration for the social and economic development of migrants, and the receiving and sending countries. This would include measures to ensure sufficient regular channels for women's entry, to avoid them being pushed into more risky irregular channels and bilateral agreements between sending and receiving areas which protect women migrants' rights. Mobilise around and support for international rights frameworks that offer protection for women migrants to ensure that governments ratify and adhere to such. This includes not only those relating to migrants, trafficked peoples, refugees and displaced peoples, but also women-specific frameworks such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), UN Resolution 1325 and the Beijing Platform for Action. Support for the acknowledgement and realisation of the rights of migrants throughout the migration process, including providing pre-departure information on legal rights, facilitating remittances, ensuring access to basic services such as housing, education and health, and supporting migrant organising and solidarity between different migrant groups to address issues of exclusion and isolation.

The population of environmentally displaced people has increased recently, thus this article aims to address the challenges climate change may impose on Nation-States concerning human rights in relation to forced migration. The relationship between climate change and forced migration will be studied in order to present the problems arising from the allocation of international responsibility among States and the international protection (or the lack thereof) of "Climate Refugees" and stateless persons caused by the disappearance of Nation- States under climate change; solutions will be proposed under the existing International Human Rights Law.

This essay argues that political efforts toward eradicating poverty in the developing countries should take precedence over political efforts to get more poor and oppressed persons admitted into our affluent societies. Efforts of both kinds are directed at morally worthy goals. But the former efforts are likely to be far more effective than the latter. ; En este artículo se argumenta que los esfuerzos políticos hacia la erradicación de la pobreza en los países en vías de desarrollo deberían ser preferentes frente a los esfuerzos dirigidos a ampliar el número de personas pobres y oprimidas admitidas en nuestras sociedades ricas. Ambos tipos de esfuerzos son objetivos morales, pero el primero parece ser más efectivo que el segundo.

This article deals with the social, economic and political factors which determined the emigration of poor peasants and low skilled laborers from Madeira, to Curaçao and why they made this choice. A first and massive wave took place in the period of the 1920s until the 1950s and the workers came on a contract for the oil industry. The Portuguese island of Madeira, experienced serious economic problems and social disparities in those days. This was also the period in which the authoritarian Portuguese government controlled the migration of its people. The labor migration for the oil industry came to an end in the 1950s but the Madeirean immigration continued thereafter, because the need of labor for certain specific areas and jobs for which almost no local laborer wanted to apply, such as in agriculture in Curaçao, was an important factor. But it was, on one hand, also the result of persisting social and political problems in the homeland, conscription for the army in wartime and little perspective for individual progress. On the other hand the pull factors after the oil period were considered strong enough to maintain a considerable attraction to Curaçao. ; Este artículo trata sobre los factores sociales, económicos y políticos que propiciaron la emigración de campesinos pobres y de trabajadores poco diestros de Madeira a Curazao, y por qué tomaron esta decisión. Una primera y masiva ola tuvo lugar en el periodo de los años 20 hasta los años 50 con trabajadores que iban contratados por la industria petrolera. La isla portuguesa de Madeira experimentó serios problemas económicos y disparidades sociales durante este tiempo. Este también fue el periodo en el cual el autoritario gobierno portugués controlaba la migración de su gente. La migración de trabajadores para la industria petrolera terminó en los 50 pero la inmigración continuó después por la necesidad de trabajo en ciertas áreas específicas y trabajos para los cuales los trabajadores locales no querían solicitar, como la agricultura en Curazao, fue un factor importante. Pero también fue en parte el resultado de los persistentes problemas sociales y políticos en el país, el reclutamiento del ejército en época de guerra y la falta de perspectiva para el progreso individual. De otra parte, los factores de atracción luego del periodo petrolero eran considerados lo suficientemente fuertes para mantener una atracción considerable hacia Curazao. ; Cet article analyse les facteurs socio-économiques et politiques qui ont provoqué l'émigration de paysans et de travailleurs peu doués de Madeira à Curaçao, pour lesquelles ils ont pris cette décision. La première vague d'immigration massive de travailleurs embauchés par l'industrie pétrolière s'est déroulée durant les années 1920 jusque dans les années 1950. Durant cette période, l'île portugaise de Madeira a subi de sérieux problèmes économiques et sociaux. Le gouvernement portugais a pris une série de mesure afin de contrôler l'immigration de ses ressortissants. L'immigration de travailleurs embauchés par l'industrie pétrolière a pris fin durant les années 1950. Cependant, cette immigration a continué et est devenue un facteur important, à cause de certains emplois dans des secteurs spécifiques, tels que l'agriculture à Curaçao, où les travailleurs locaux ne voulaient pas travailler. Cette immigration est aussi due aux problèmes sociaux - politiques qui ont persisté dans le pays, les recrutements réalisés par l'armé durant la guerre et le manque de perspective d'avenir. De plus, même après la période pétrolière, Curaçao a continué à être considérée comme un territoire attractif.

Este trabajo tiene como objetivo identificar los proyectos políticos estratégicos de carácter financiero globalizado, que influyen en las diferentes medidas que en materia de política migratoria se han dado desde el año 2014 hasta el 2018. Ofrece pistas para evidenciar la forma como se materializan dichos proyectos financieros y las características del tenor de las tensiones y contradicciones que provocan con los proyectos políticos estratégicos locales y nacionales, específicamente, en materia migratoria. Los hallazgos permiten dar cuenta como desde el 2014 ha quedado entre dicho los postulados que fundamentan la política migratoria argentina como derecho humano y la fuerte disputa que se establece con los proyectos estratégicos financieros globales, que apartan dicha mirada de derechos e imponen el control y el orden de las poblaciones en movimiento como premisas fundamentales, al tiempo que, se apoya de dichos xenófobos y medidas de excepción donde se criminaliza, estigmatiza, expulsa y reorienta a los poblaciones inmigrantes bajo principios económicos con fines productivos y de seguridad nacional en todo el territorio argentino. ; Este trabalho visa identificar os projetos políticos estratégicos de natureza financeira globalizada, que influenciam as diferentes medidas que foram tomadas em termos de política migratória de 2014 a 2018. Oferece pistas para mostrar como essas materializações se materializam projetos financeiros e as características das tensões e contradições que causam com projetos políticos estratégicos locais e nacionais, especificamente, na área de migração. Os resultados nos permitem perceber como, desde 2014, os postulados que fundamentam a política de migração da Argentina como um direito humano e a forte disputa que se estabelece com os projetos estratégicos financeiros globais, que assumem essa visão de direitos e impõem controle e controle ordem das populações em movimento como premissas fundamentais, ao mesmo tempo, é apoiada por esses xenófobos e medidas excepcionais onde as populações imigrantes são criminalizadas, estigmatizadas, redirecionadas e reorientadas sob princípios econômicos para fins produtivos e de segurança nacional em todo o território Argentino. ; The objective of this work is to identify the strategic political projects of a globalized financial nature, which influence the different measures that have been taken in the area of migration policy from 2014 to 2018. It offers clues to demonstrate how these financial projects materialize and the characteristics of the tenor of the tensions and contradictions that they provoke with the local and national strategic political projects, specifically, in migratory matters. The findings make it possible to explain how, since 2014, the postulates that support Argentina's migration policy as a human right and the strong dispute established with global financial strategic projects, which separate this view of rights and impose control and order of the populations in movement as fundamental premises, at the same time that, it relies on said xenophobes and emergency measures where criminals are criminalized, stigmatized, expelled and reoriented to immigrant populations under economic principles for productive purposes and national security throughout the territory Argentinian.