Suchergebnisse

Not Available ; The land resource inventory of Talak-2 Microwatershed was conducted using village cadastral maps and IRS satellite imagery on 1:7920 scale. The false colour composites of IRS imagery were interpreted for physiography and the physiographic delineations were used as base for mapping soils. The soils were studied in several transects and a soil map was prepared with phases of soil series as mapping units. Random checks were made all over the area outside the transects to confirm and validate the soil map unit boundaries. The soil map shows the geographic distribution and extent, characteristics, classification, behavior and use potentials of the soils in the microwatershed. The present study covers an area of 572 ha in Yadgir taluk & district, Karnataka. The climate is semiarid and categorized as drought-prone with an average annual rainfall of 866 mm, of which about 652 mm is received during south-west monsoon, 138 mm during north-east and the remaining 76 mm during the rest of the year. An area of 530 ha in the microwatershed is covered by soils, 21 ha is covered by rock outcrops and 21 ha by others (habitation and water body). The salient findings from the land resource inventory are summarized briefly below.  The soils belong to 10 soil series and 17 soil phases (management units) and 5 land management units.  The length of crop growing period is about 120-150 days starting from 1st week of June to 4th week of October.  From the master soil map, several interpretative and thematic maps like land capability, soil depth, surface soil texture, soil gravelliness, available water capacity, soil slope and soil erosion were generated.  Soil fertility status maps for macro and micronutrients were generated based on the surface soil samples collected at every 320 m grid interval.  Land suitability for growing 29 major agricultural and horticultural crops was assessed and maps showing the degree of suitability along with constraints were generated.  Entire area in the microwatershed is suitable for agriculture.  About 26 per cent of area is shallow (25-50 cm), 1 per cent of area of the microwatershed has soils that are moderately shallow (50-75 cm), 36 per cent of area of the microwatershed has soils that are moderately deep (75-100 cm), 6 per cent of area is deep (100 - 150 cm) and 24 per cent of area is very deep (>150 cm).  About 16 per cent area in the microwatershed has sandy soils, 24 per cent loamy soils and 53 per cent clayey soils at the surface.  About 87 per cent area in the microwatershed is non gravelly (200 mm/m) in available water capacity, 36 per cent is medium (101-150mm/m) and 27 per cent area is very low (57 kg/ha) in the microwatershed.  Available potassium content is medium (145-337 kg/ha) in 83 per cent area and high (>337 kg/ha) in 10 per cent of area in the microwatershed.  Available sulphur is low (20 ppm) in 2 per cent of area in the microwatershed.  Available boron is low (4.5 ppm) in 91 per cent area and deficient (0.6 ppm) in an area of 28 per cent of the microwatershed.  The land suitability for 29 major crops grown in the microwatershed were assessed and the areas that are highly suitable (S1) and moderately suitable (S2) are given below. It is however to be noted that a given soil may be suitable for various crops but what specific crop to be grown may be decided by the farmer looking to his capacity to invest on various inputs, marketing infrastructure, market price and finally the demand and supply position. Land suitability for various crops in the Microwatershed Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Sorghum - 53 (9) Guava - - Maize - 53 (9) Sapota - - Bajra - 53 (9) Pomegranate - 8 (1) Groundnut - - Musambi - 8 (1) Sunflower - 8 (1) Lime - 8 (1) Redgram - 53 (9) Amla - - Bengal gram - 8 (1) Cashew - - Cotton - 8 (1) Jackfruit - - Chilli - 8 (1) Jamun - - Tomato - - Custard apple - 8 (1) Brinjal - - Tamarind - - Onion - - Mulberry - - Bhendi - 8 (1) Marigold - 8 (1) Drumstick - - Chrysanthemum - 8 (1) Mango - -  Apart from the individual crop suitability, a proposed crop plan has been prepared for the identified LMUs by considering only the highly and moderately suitable lands for different crops and cropping systems with food, fodder, fibre and other horticulture crops.  Maintaining soil-health is vital for crop production and conserve soil and land resource base for maintaining ecological balance and to mitigate climate change. For this, several ameliorative measures have been suggested for these problematic soils like saline/alkali, highly eroded, sandy soils etc.,  Soil and water conservation treatment plan has been prepared that would help in identifying the sites to be treated and also the type of structures required.  As part of the greening programme, several tree species have been suggested to be planted in marginal and submarginal lands, field bunds and also in the hillocks, mounds and ridges. This would help in not only supplementing the farm income but also provide fodder and fuel and generate lot of biomass which would help in maintaining an ecological balance and also contribute to mitigating the climate change. SALIENT FINDINGS OF THE SURVEY  The data indicated that there were 81 (57.45%) men and 60 (42.55%) women among the sampled households.  The average family size of landless farmers' was 3.3, marginal farmers' was 3.7, small farmers' was 4.6, semi medium farmers' was 3.8 and medium farmers' was 4.3.  The data indicated that, 17 (126%) people were in 0-15 years of age, 65 (46.1%) were in 16-35 years of age, 48 (344%) were in 36-60 years of age and 11 (7.8%) were above 61 years of age.  The results indicated that Talak-2 had 32.62 per cent illiterates, 18.44 per cent of them had primary school, 14.89 per cent of them had middle school, 27.66 per cent of them had high school education, 4.96 per cent of them had PUC, and 0.71 per cent of them had degree education.  The results indicate that, 54.29 per cent of household heads were practicing agriculture, 37.14 per cent of the household heads were agricultural laborers and 2.86 per cent of the household's heads were General Labour and trade and business.  The results indicate that agriculture was the major occupation for 21.28 per cent of the household members, 53.9 per cent were agricultural laborers, 3.55 per cent were in general labour, 2.13 per cent were private service and children, 1.42 per cent were trade and business, 10.64 per cent were student and 4.96 per cent were housewives.  The results show that, 100 per cent of the population in the micro watershed has not participated in any local institutions.  The results indicate that 8.57 per cent of the households possess thatched, 71.43 per cent of the households possess katcha house. 17.14 per cent of the households possess pucca/RCC house and 2.86 per cent of the households possess semi pacca.  The results show that 54.29 per cent of the households possess TV, 17.14 per cent of the households possess mixer/grinder, 2.86 per cent of the households possess bicycle, landline phone and computer /laptop, motor cycle per cent of the households possess 31.43, 5.71 per cent of the households possess Auto and 60 per cent of the households possess mobile phones.  The results show that the average value of television was Rs. 6,026, mixer/grinder was Rs. 2,133, bicycle was Rs. 5,000, motor cycle was Rs. 57,818, landline phone was Rs. 5,000, mobile phone was Rs. 2,437 and computer/laptop was Rs. 40,000.  About 5.71 per cent each of the households possess bullock cart, 40 per cent of the households possess plough, 2.86 per cent of the households possess seed/fertilizer drill and irrigation pump, 14.29 per cent of the households possess sprayer, 14.29 2 per cent of the households possess weeder and 8.57 per cent of the households possess thresher.  The results show that the average value of bullock cart was Rs. 21,600, plough was Rs. 7,092, seed/ fertilizer drill was Rs. 7,000, irrigation pump was Rs. 10,000, sprayer was Rs. 3,100, Sprinkler was Rs. 3,750, weeder was Rs. 164 and the average value of chaff cutter was Rs. 145.  The results indicate that, 28.57 per cent of the households possess bullocks, 17.14 per cent of the households possess local cow, 5.71 per cent of the households possess crossbreed and 2.86 per cent of the households possess Buffalo.  The results indicate that, average own labour men available in the micro watershed was 1.53, average own labour (women) available was 1.38, average hired labour (men) available was 8.34 and average hired labour (women) available was 8.81.  The results indicate that, 68.57 per cent of the households opined that the hired labour was adequate and 22.86 per cent of the households opined that the hired labour was inadequate.  The results show that, 2.13 per cent of the population in the micro watershed has migrated.  The results show that, average distance of migration was 500 kms and average duration of migration was 11 months.  The results show that, 100 per cent of the population has migrated for the purpose of job/wage/work in micro-watershed.  The results indicate that, households of the Talak-2 micro-watershed possess 50.94 ha (86.6%) of dry land and 13.4 ha (13.40%) of irrigated land. Marginal farmers possess 7.53 ha (100 %) of dry land. Small farmers possess 12.51 ha (100%) of dry land. Semi medium farmers possess 18.35 ha (100%) of dry land. Medium farmers possess 12.55 ha (61.41%) of dry land and 7.88 ha (38.59%).  The results indicate that, the average value of dry land was Rs. 222,743.52 and the average value of irrigated land was Rs. 304,312.11. In case of marginal famers, the average land value was Rs. 544,169.80 for dry land. In case of small famers, the average land value was Rs. 211,828.48 for dry land. In case of semi medium famers, the average land value was Rs. 163,395.81 for dry land. In case of medium farmers, the average land value was Rs. 127,483.87 for dry land and the average value of irrigated land was Rs. 304,312.11.  The results indicate that, there were 2 de-functioning bore wells in the micro watershed.  The results indicate that, farmers have grown cotton (8.5 ha), red gram (44.43 ha), groundnut (5.34 ha), sorghum (3.8 ha), green gram (22 ha), cotton (1.21 ha), paddy (11 ha) and black gram (0.97 ha). Marginal farmers have grown red gram, groundnut and black gram. Small farmers have grown red gram, groundnut and 3 cotton. Semi medium farmers have grown red gram, groundnut, sorghum, green gram and paddy. Medium farmers have grown red gram.  The results indicate that, the cropping intensity in Talak-2 micro-watershed was found to be 94.5 per cent.  The results indicate that, 85.71 per cent of the households have bank account and 65.71 per cent of the households have savings.  The results indicate that, 222.86 per cent of the households have availed credit from different sources.  The results indicate that, 21.74 per cent of the households have borrowed from commercial bank, 4.35 per cent of the households have borrowed from cooperative bank, 8.70 per cent of the households have borrowed from friends / relatives, grameena bank and 4.35 per cent of the households have borrowed from money lender.  The results indicate that, the average credit amount borrowed by households in micro-watershed was Rs, 36,173.91.  The results indicate that, 100 per cent of the households borrowed from institutional sources for the purpose of agricultural production.  The results indicated that 83.33 per cent of the households not paid their loan borrowed from institutional sources.  The results indicate that, 83.33 per cent opined that the loan amount borrowed from helped to perform timely agricultural operations.  The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for Cotton was Rs. 32651.19. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 81689.26. The net income from Cotton cultivation was Rs. 490387. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:2.5.  The total cost of cultivation for groundnut was Rs. 32092.84. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 48090.90. The net income from groundnut cultivation was Rs. 159986. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.5.  The total cost of cultivation for Red gram was Rs. 30058.50. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 49221.51. The net income from Red gram cultivation was Rs. 191631. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.64.  The total cost of cultivation for Sorghum was Rs. 11389.23. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 215255. The net income from Sorghum cultivation was Rs. 10135.83. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.89.  The total cost of cultivation for Green gram was Rs. 26600.81. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 480354. The net income from Green gram cultivation was Rs. 21434.24. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.81.  The total cost of cultivation for Maize was Rs. 492983. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 22328.80. The net income from Maize cultivation was Rs. - 26969.23. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.45. 4  The results indicate that, 14.29 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder was adequate and 8.57 per cent of the households opined that green fodder was adequate.  The results indicate that the annual gross income was Rs. 19,666.67 for landless farmers, for marginal farmers it was Rs. 81,318.18, for small farmers it was Rs. 136,440.63, semi medium farmers it was Rs. 170,285.71 and medium farmers it was Rs. 105,133.33.  The results indicate that the average annual expenditure is Rs. 7,087.57. For landless households it was Rs. 2,833.33, for marginal farmers it was Rs. 2,857.85, for small farmers it was Rs. 12,602.68, for semi medium farmers it was Rs. 9,265.31 and medium farmers it was Rs. 7,075.  The results indicate that, households have planted 66 neem, 2 acacia and 3banyan trees in their field.  The results indicated that, households have an average investment capacity of Rs. 4,942.86 for land development and households have an average investment capacity of Rs. 428.57 for improved crop production.  The results indicated that own funds was the source of additional investment for 8.57 per cent for land development and improved crop production. Soft loan was the source of additional investment for 34.29 per cent for land development.  The results indicated that, cotton was sold to the extent of 100 per cent, green gram was sold to the extent of 69.54 per cent, groundnut was sold to the extent of 75 per cent, maize was sold to the extent of 94.29 per cent, Red gram was sold to the extent of 92.95 per cent and sorghum was sold to the extent of 94.44 per cent.  The results indicated that, about 8.57 per cent of the farmers sold their produce to local/village merchant, 71.43 per cent of the farmers sold their produce to regulated markets and 11.43 per cent of the farmers sold their produce to cooperative marketing society.  The results indicated that, 88.57 per cent of the households have used tractor and 2.86 per cent of the households have used truck as a mode of transportation.  The results indicated that, 42.86 per cent of the households have experienced soil and water erosion problems in the farm.  The results indicated that, 71.43 per cent have shown interest in soil test. The results indicated that, 2.86 per cent have adopted graded bund and Summer Ploughing.  The results indicated that, 97.14 per cent of the households used firewood and 2.86 per cent of the households used dung cake as a source of fuel.  The results indicated that, piped supply was the major source of drinking water for 82.86 per cent of the households in the micro watershed and bore well was the source of drinking water for 14.29 per cent of the households in the micro watershed. 5  Electricity was the major source of light for 100 per cent of the households in micro watershed.  The results indicated that, 65.71 per cent of the households possess sanitary toilet facility.  The results indicated that, 100 per cent of the sampled households possessed BPL cards.  The results indicated that, 88.57 per cent of the households participated in NREGA programme.  The results indicated that, cereals were adequate for 94.29 per cent of the households, pulses were adequate for 88.57 per cent, oilseed and vegetables were adequate for 51.43 per cent, fruits were adequate for 45.71 per cent, milk were adequate for 57.14 per cent, egg and meat were adequate for 54.29 per cent.  The results indicated that, oilseeds, milk, egg and meat were inadequate for 2.86 per cent of the households, vegetables were inadequate for 5.71 per cent, fruits and fruits were inadequate for 77.78 per cent of the households.  The results indicated that, lower fertility status of the was the constraint experienced by 91.43 per cent of the households, wild animal menace on farm field (57.14%), frequent incidence of pest and diseases (82.86%), Inadequacy of irrigation water (62.86%), high cost of fertilizer and plant protection chemicals (80%), high rate of interest on credit (57.14%), low price for the agricultural commodities (74.29%), lack of marketing facilities in the area (62.86%), inadequacy extension service (48.57%), Lack of transport for safe transport of the Agril produce to the market (25.71%), less rainfall (8.57%) and Source of Agritechnology information(5.71%) ; Watershed Development Department, Government of Karnataka (World Bank Funded) Sujala –III Project

Not Available ; The land resource inventory of Mavanahalli-2 Microwatershed was conducted using village cadastral maps and IRS satellite imagery on 1:7920 scale. The false colour composites of IRS imagery were interpreted for physiography and the physiographic delineations were used as base for mapping soils. The soils were studied in several transects and a soil map was prepared with phases of soil series as mapping units. Random checks were made all over the area outside the transects to confirm and validate the soil map unit boundaries. The soil map shows the geographic distribution and extent, characteristics, classification, behavior and use potentials of the soils in the microwatershed. The present study covers an area of 937 ha in Yadgir taluk & district, Karnataka. The climate is semiarid and categorized as drought-prone with an average annual rainfall of 866 mm, of which about 652 mm is received during south-west monsoon, 138 mm during north-east and the remaining 76 mm during the rest of the year. An area of about 869 ha in the microwatershed is covered by soils and 66 ha is under others (Habitation water body). The salient findings from the land resource inventory are summarized briefly below.  The soils belong to 14 soil series and 14 soil phases (management units) and 7 land management units.  The length of crop growing period is about 120-150 days starting from 1st week of June to 4th week of October.  From the master soil map, several interpretative and thematic maps like land capability, soil depth, surface soil texture, soil gravelliness, available water capacity, soil slope and soil erosion were generated.  Soil fertility status maps for macro and micronutrients were generated based on the surface soil samples collected at every 320 m grid interval.  Land suitability for growing 29 major agricultural and horticultural crops was assessed and maps showing the degree of suitability along with constraints were generated.  An area about 869 ha (93%) in the microwatershed is suitable for agriculture.  An area of about 27 per cent soils are deep and very deep (100- >150cm), about 35 per cent soils are moderately deep (75-100), whereas 19 per cent soils are moderately shallow (50 -75 cm) and 12 per cent soils are shallow (25 -50 cm) in the microwatershed.  About 2 per cent area in the microwatershed are sandy soils, 32 percent soils are loamy and 60 per cent clayey soils at the surface.  An area of about 93 percent soils are non gravelly (200mm/m), 27 percent soils are medium (101- 150), 27 per cent soils are low (51-100 mm/m) and 12 per cent soils are very low (0.75%), about 69 percent is medium (0.50- 0.75%) and 7 percent is low (0.50-0.75%) in organic carbon content.  An area of about 83 per cent is medium (23-57 kg/ha) and 10 percent soils are low (337kg/ha) in available potassium.  An area of about 30 percent is high (10-20ppm), about 42 percent is medium (10- 20ppm) and 22 percent area is low (4.5ppm) in entire cultivated area of the microwatershed.  Available manganese and copper are sufficient in all the soils of the microwatershed.  Available zinc is deficient (0.6 ppm) covering an area of about 10 percent in the microwatershed.  The land suitability for 29 major crops grown in the microwatershed were assessed and the areas that are highly suitable (S1) and moderately suitable (S2) are given below. It is however to be noted that a given soil may be suitable for various crops but what specific crop to be grown may be decided by the farmer looking to his capacity to invest on various inputs, marketing infrastructure, market price and finally the demand and supply position. Land suitability for various crops in the Microwatershed Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Sorghum 91(10) 548(59) Guava - 236(25) Maize 79(8) 560(61) Sapota - 236(25) Bajra 79(8) 560(61) Pomegranate - 311(33) Groundnut - 410(44) Musambi 12(1) 299(32) Sunflower 12(1) 299(32) Lime 12(1) 299(32) Redgram - 465(50) Amla 79(8) 343(37) Bengal gram 12(1) 203(22) Cashew - 79(8) Cotton 12(1) 299(32) Jackfruit - 236(25) Chilli 79(8) 406(43) Jamun - 12(1) Tomato 79(8) 331(35) Custard apple 91(10) 394(42) Brinjal 79(8) 331(35) Tamarind - 12(1) Onion 79(8) 331(35) Mulberry - 236(25) Bhendi 79(8) 406(43) Marigold 79(8) 406(43) Drumstick 248(27) Chrysanthemum 79(8) 406(43) Mango - -  Apart from the individual crop suitability, a proposed crop plan has been prepared for the identified LMUs by considering only the highly and moderately suitable lands for different crops and cropping systems with food, fodder, fiber and horticulture crops.  Maintaining soil-health is vital to crop production and conserve soil and land resource base for maintaining ecological balance and to mitigate climate change. For this, several ameliorative measures have been suggested to these problematic soils like saline/alkali, highly eroded, sandy soils etc.  Soil and water conservation treatment plan has been prepared that would help in identifying the sites to be treated and also the type of structures required.  As part of the greening programme, several tree species have been suggested to be planted in marginal and submarginal lands, field bunds and also in the hillocks, mounds and ridges. This would help in not only supplementing the farm income but also provide fodder and fuel to generate lot of biomass which would help in maintaining an ecological balance and also contribute to mitigating the climate change. SALIENT FINDINGS OF THE SURVEY  The data indicated that there were 97 (62.18%) men and 59 (37.82%) women among the sampled households.  The average family size of landless farmers' was 3.4, marginal farmers' was 4, small farmers' was 4.4 and semi medium farmers' was 5.5.  The data indicated that, 14 (8.97%) people were in 0-15 years of age, 80 (51.28%) were in 16-35 years of age, 49 (31.41%) were in 36-60 years of age and 13 (8.33%) were above 61 years of age.  The results indicated that Mavanahalli-2 had 47.44 per cent illiterates, 21.79 per cent of them had primary school, 2.56 per cent of them had Middle school and PUC education, 12.82 per cent of them had high school, 1.92 per cent of them had ITI and masters, 5.77 per cent of them had degree education.  The results indicate that, 85.71 per cent of household heads were practicing agriculture, 8.57 per cent of the household heads were agricultural laborers and 2.86 cent of the household heads were government service.  The results indicate that agriculture was the major occupation for 20.51 per cent of the household members, 65.38 per cent were agricultural laborers, 0.64 per cent were in government service, 1.28 per cent were private service and housewives, 8.33 per cent were student.  The results show that, 100 per cent of the population in the micro watershed has not participated in any local institutions.  The results indicate that 22.86 per cent of the households possess thatched, 62.86 per cent of the households possess katcha house and 14.29 per cent of the households possess pucca/RCC house.  The results show that 68.57 per cent of the households possess TV, 54.29 per cent of the households possess mixer/grinder, 45.71 per cent of the households possess motor cycle, 5.71 per cent of the households posses tempo, 2.86 per cent households possess landline phone and 68.57 per cent of the households possess mobile phones.  The results show that the average value of television was Rs. 13,841, mixer/grinder was Rs. 2,200, motor cycle was Rs. 46,764, tempo was Rs. 22,100, landline was Rs. 1,500 and mobile phone was Rs. 2,570.  About 8.57 per cent each of the households possess bullock cart and sprayer, 25.71 per cent each of the households possess Plough, 2.86 per cent each of the households possess seed/fertilizer drill, 5.71 per cent of the households possess power tiller, 11.43 per cent each of the households possess tractor and thresher, 60 per cent of the households possess weeder.  The results show that the average value of bullock cart was Rs. 18,666, plough was Rs. 4,197, seed/ fertilizer drill was Rs. 1,800, power tiller was Rs. 224,000, tractor was Rs.512,500, sprayer was Rs. 2,166, weeder was Rs. 63 and the average value of thresher was Rs. 180. 2  The results indicate that, 14.29 per cent of the households possess bullocks and 5.71 per cent of the households possess local cow.  The results indicate that, average own labour men available in the micro watershed was 1.51, average own labour (women) available was 0.94, average hired labour (men) available was 8.29 and average hired labour (women) available was 8.8.  The results indicate that, 100 per cent of the households opined that the hired labour was inadequate.  The results show that, 0.64 per cent of the population in the micro watershed has migrated.  The results show that, average distance of migration was 750 kms and average duration of migration was 7 months.  The results show that, 100 per cent of the population has migrated for the purpose of job/wage/work and business.  The results indicate that, households of the Mavanahalli-2 micro-watershed possess 45.98 ha (98.19%) of dry land, 0.45 ha (0.95%) of irrigated land and 0.4 ha (0.86%) of permanent fallow land. Marginal farmers possess 1.84 ha (80.5%) of dry land, 0.45 ha (19.5%) of irrigated land. Small farmers possess 28.42 ha (98.6%) of dry land and 0.4 ha (1.4%) of permanent fallow land. Semi medium farmers possess 15.72 ha (100%) of dry land.  The results indicate that, the average value of dry land was Rs. 334,782.61, the average value of irrigated land was Rs. 1,347,272.70 and the average value of permanent fallow land was Rs.988,000. In case of marginal famers, the average land value was Rs. 2,611,453.70 for dry land and the average land value was Rs.1,347,272.70. In case of small famers, the average land value was Rs. 267,293.18 for dry land the average land value was Rs. 988,000 for permanent fallow. In case of semi medium famers, the average land value was Rs. 190,733.59 for dry land.  The results indicate that, farmers have grown cotton (24.62%), paddy (0.45ha) and red gram (21.36 ha). Marginal farmers have grown cotton and paddy. Small farmers have grown cotton and red gram. Semi medium farmers have grown cotton and red gram.  The results indicate that, the cropping intensity in Mavanahalli-2 micro-watershed was found to be 96.75 per cent.  The results indicate that, 80 per cent of the households have bank account and savings.  The results indicate that, 68.57 per cent of the households have availed credit from different sources.  The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for Cotton was Rs. 26602.05. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 59305.33. The net income from 3 Cotton cultivation was Rs. 32703.29. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:2.23.  The total cost of cultivation for Paddy was Rs. 165008.37. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 58381.82. The net income from Paddy cultivation was Rs. -106626.55. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.35.  The total cost of cultivation for Red gram was Rs. 23304.27. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 42878.37. The net income from Red gram cultivation was Rs. 19574.09. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.84.  The results indicate that, 8.57 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder was adequate and green fodder was inadequate and 5.71 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder was inadequate and green fodder was adequate.  The results indicate that the annual gross income was Rs. 29,000, for landless farmers, for marginal farmers it was Rs. 58,500, for small farmers it was Rs. 138,042.11 and semi medium farmers it was Rs. 162,014.29.  The results indicate that the average annual expenditure is Rs. 5,927.43. For landless households it was Rs. 2,000, for marginal farmers it was Rs. 5,656.25, for small farmers it was Rs. 5,477.53 and for semi medium farmers it was Rs. 10,108.84.  The results indicate that, sampled households have grown 1 coconut and mango, 4 custard apple and lime, 2 lemon trees in their field.  The results indicate that, households have planted 9 eucalyptus and banyan, 2 teak, pongamia and acacia, 90 neem and 6 tamarind trees in their field and also 2 neem trees in their backyard.  The results indicated that, households have an average investment capacity of Rs. 3,257.14 for land development, households have an average investment capacity of Rs. 571.43, households have an average investment capacity of Rs. 742.86 for improved crop production and households have an average investment capacity of Rs. 1,428.57 for improved livestock management.  The results indicated that government subsidy was the source of additional investment for 2.86 per cent for improved livestock management. Soft loan was the source of additional investment for 28.57 per cent for land development, 2.86 per cent for irrigation facility and 11.43 per cent for improved crop production.  The results indicated that, cotton was sold to the extent of 92.54 per cent, paddy was sold to the extent of 100 per cent and red gram was sold to the extent of 94.85 per cent.  The results indicated that, about 2.86 per cent of the farmers sold their produce to agent/traders and cooperative marketing society, 57.14 per cent of the farmers sold their produce to local/village merchant and 25.71 per cent of the farmers sold their produce to regulated market. 4  The results indicated that, 88.57 per cent of the households have used tractor as a mode of transportation.  The results indicated that, 85.71 per cent of the households have experienced soil and water erosion problems in the farm.  The results indicated that, 80 per cent have shown interest in soil test.  The results indicated that, 100 per cent of the households used fire wood as a source of fuel.  The results indicated that, piped supply was the major source of drinking water for 22.86 per cent of the households in the micro watershed and bore well was the source of drinking water for 77.14 per cent of the households in the micro watershed.  Electricity was the major source of light for 100 per cent of the households in micro watershed.  The results indicated that, 66.67 per cent of the households possess sanitary toilet facility.  The results indicated that, 100 per cent of the sampled households possessed BPL cards.  The results indicated that, 82.86 per cent of the households participated in NREGA programme.  The results indicated that, cereals and pulses were adequate for 91.43 per cent of the households, oilseed were adequate for 25.71 per cent, vegetables were adequate for 22.86 per cent, milk were adequate for 28.57 per cent, egg were adequate for 17.14 per cent and meat were adequate for 14.29 per cent.  The results indicated that, cereals and pulses were inadequate for 8.57 per cent of the households, oilseed were inadequate for 77.14 per cent, vegetables and meat were inadequate for 74.29 per cent, fruits were inadequate for 57.14 per cent, milk were inadequate for 51.43 per cent, egg were inadequate for 71.43 per cent of the households.  The results indicated that, vegetables and egg were market surplus for 2.86 per cent of the households and meat were market surplus for 11.43 per cent of the households.  The results indicated that, lower fertility status of the soil in the area was the constraint experienced by 82.86 per cent of the households, wild animal menace on farm field (85.71%), frequent incidence of pest and diseases (57.14%), Inadequacy of irrigation water (28.57%), high cost of fertilizer and plant protection chemicals (22.86%), high rate of interest on credit and inadequate extension service (20%), low price for the agricultural commodities (11.43%), lack of marketing facilities in the area (8.57%), Lack of transport for safe transport of the Agril produce to the market (14.29%), less rainfall and Source of Agri-technology information (37.14%). ; Watershed Development Department, Government of Karnataka (World Bank Funded) Sujala –III Project

Marx has a threefold objective in "On the Jewish Question": to respond to Bruno Bauer's views on the same issue; to give us his own standing on the matter of the political emancipation of Jewish populations in Germany and the rest of Europe, while at the same time defining what political emancipation means for each citizen, no matter the religion, in a modern State; and lastly, to show us how political emancipation is not enough and how actual freedom (political plus social) is accessible to all once a new, final and imperative kind of emancipation is obtained: human emancipation. This paper will be divided into two parts: the first one will try to briefly review and explain Marx's text. Particular attention will be given to the differentiation between political and human emancipation and its implications. In this section, Marx's views on Judaism will be clarified by analyzing them on their proper socio-historical context. In the second one, an interesting and, hopefully, appropriate exercise will be put into consideration: taking into account Marx's concerns regarding the possibility of inclusion of a religious minority into the public spheres of a secular State, the Jewish question of 19th century's Europe will be altered into the Muslim question of 21st century's Europe. According to Yoav Peled the main difference between how Bauer and Marx confront the issue of Jewish emancipation is that the former one considers the problem as a theological one, while the latter does it as a sociological one (1). Bauer affirms that not only the Jews are longing for political emancipation, meaning being recognized by the State as equal citizens; but also the rest of the Gentile population is awaiting such recognition. The State cannot emancipate Jews if it still has not emancipated the rest. The Jewry cannot obtain full citizenship if there are no citizens. In order to attain political emancipation the State has to become a secular one, not to recognize any religion as its official one and to extend freedom of religion to all of its citizens. Religious freedom would require religion's removal from the public sphere and its "ostracism" into a private creed. This privatization of religion would eventually abolish it. Nevertheless, Bauer does not consider the Jews capable of becoming free because he does not consider Judaism able to become a private creed. Bauer characterizes Judaism as a religion of law not as, like Christianity, areligion of faith. Being a religion based on actions and not on beliefs would completely be opposed to freedom of religion, to its own removal from the public sphere. Judaism could not become free because there is a chance that its laws would contradict the laws of the State. Marx, instead, affirms that Jews (and Christians), in order to be really emancipated do not have to abandon Judaism in a theological way, but have to do it in a sociological manner. Political emancipation as stated by Bauer is not the final possible form of emancipation, but it is the last possible form of emancipation within the framework of the prevailing social order. For example, according to Marx the citizens of the United States of America, which at the time was the best case of a modern secular State, still practiced, and needed to practice, their religious beliefs as private creeds. Then, Bauer was wrong; religion survived the test and did not disappear after political emancipation. As reported by Marx this happened because when religion is expulsed from the sphere of public law to that of private law, religion becomes the spirit of civil society and the essence of differentiation which leads to, and presupposes, inequality. Political emancipation divides the human being into two antagonistic spheres: the individual, who is egoistic by nature and based in inequality and corresponds to civil society; and the citizen, who is based in common solidarity and equality and complements with the State. This separation can only be overcome by human emancipation. Human emancipation is the final and real kind of reachable and desired emancipation by all human beings. Human emancipation would erase all deficiencies that are found in civil society: private property, insecurity and religion. Human emancipation would, then, end social inequality. Only then, humans would achieve real and total freedom. Only when the individual and the citizen would synthesize their antagonisms in the species-being would humanity be free from all its social and political constraints and a truly democratic State would appear. (2)Marx's views on Judaism have been defined as anti-Semitic by several critics; but it is not the case (3). First of all, Marx was a strong advocate for political emancipation to the Jewish communities in Europe, especially in Germany, and he believed, in opposition to Bauer, that the Jewry was fully capable of becoming citizens in a secular State by privatizing their creed. Although, it has to be said that Marx, like Bauer, considered Judaism to be a religion based on laws; he did not directly consider the case if Judaism could withstand the transformation to a private form. Orthodox Jews, for example, would not become suitable for citizenship in the modern secular State. Because Marx could not resolve this argument in a direct form he chose to solve it by taking Judaism in its socio-historical context instead than in a purely theological way. To Marx Jews have embodied the mercantile spirit in a natural economy dominated Europe (4). Jews did not choose to be merchants or entrepreneurs: feudal society limited them to those kinds of activities. They could not legally own land or be members of any corporate guild. Jews could only deal with money or goods exchange(5). Then, Jews could only be considered as bourgeois, as capitalists, as financiers. Even if, like Marx says, the Jewish mercantile particularity had already generalized through the Christian world and there was no economic basis for distinguishing between Jews and Gentiles, which allowed the Jews to practically self-emancipate by the "Judaization" of society; the general public was still perceiving Judaism as a synonymous of "merchants"(6). It is rather interesting to note that in 1850 half of all entrepreneurs in Berlin were Jews and that in 1861 58% of the Prussian Jewry was engaged in commerce and credit, while only 2% of Christians was similarly employed (7). When Marx calls for the abolition of Judaism, he is calling for the abolition of the economic activity that was a reflection of the Jews social-historical role in society; he is calling for the end of the mercantile/capitalist elements that produce social inequality. The abolition of Judaism means the abolition of all religions through the correction of the secular defect of civil society(8). Finally, Marx's views on the political emancipation of a religious minority and of social emancipation as the only way to end all inequalities and distinctions could be helpful in order to understand the current Muslim Question that is concerning much of Europe. The Muslim question is significantly different from 19th century's Jewish question. Jews were asking for the State's recognition of the same basic constitutional rights that Christians already, or were about to, benefited from. Additionally, liberal-secularists, like Bauer, were concerned about Judaism's capability to remove their religious practices from the public sphere and privatize them. According to them, it was essential for the survival of the modern secular State that its citizens should exclude their religious distinctiveness from all of their public interactions with the State or with other fellow citizens. Today, Muslims in Europe enjoy all of the individual and social rights that are recognized in each of the European Constitutions; meaning political emancipation is not an issue. It is Islam's interactions with the secular, and almost irreligious, European public spheres that has become on of the most fervent debates in the last few years. Such debate extremely overcomes the purpose of this article, but a few points should be taken into account regarding the Muslim question and the relevance of Marx's work on the matter. Marx, just like with the political emancipation of the Jews, would not have been able to directly confront the possibility of a real privatization of Islamic beliefs, because he would have faced the same issue that arose in the Jewish question: Islam, like Judaism, is a religious of laws. As it has been said, a religion of laws will almost certainly contradict the laws of a secular State and would not be able to refrain from interrelate with the public sphere. For example, teachers wearing a Muslim veil or turban in public schools; Muslim women wearing burqas in public facilities; the introduction of Sharia law in order to legalize social relationships within Muslim communities and in their relations with non-Muslim communities; etc., are challenges to the secular State. Several European countries are juggling between the right of freedom of religion and absolute secularism(9): France chooses to ban burqas in public spaces; the Netherlands to expel teachers from public schools that insisted in wearing veils or turbans in class; Italy to reform family law in order to stop "honor killings" among Muslim families; etc. But like with Judaism, Marx would overcome Islam's inability to privatize its creed by arguing that such incapability is a symptom of the antagonism between civil society (the individual egoistic man) and the State (the solidary citizen) and that will never be surpassed until human emancipation is obtained. Interestingly enough, while during the 19th century Jews were an equivalent to bourgeois and entrepreneurs, Muslims of the 21st century, on the other hand, are identified with other kinds of socio-economic characterization. Muslims are identified either as proletarians or as lumpenproletarians. Remarkably, the occupational standing of 84% of Muslims living in Germany is either blue or white collar; compared to just 40% of non-Muslims Germans (10); 20% of young non-Muslim French are unemployed compared to 50% of young French Muslims(11); 9% of non-Muslim Dutch are unemployed, while 30% of Dutch Muslims are jobless(12); 10% of non-Muslim Belgians live below the poverty line, while 60% of Muslim Belgians are poor(13); 15% of non-Muslim British households are in poverty, but that percentage ascends to 55% when Muslim British households are considered(14). In Europe 80% of Muslim men are employed in low-skill/low-wage jobs and in routine manual and service occupations, only 45% of non-Muslim men are employed in the same kind of jobs(15). Finally, when the Human Development Index is taken into account and it is divided among the Muslim and non-Muslim population in the European countries it is evidenced that the standard of living of Muslim communities is significantly lower than that of the rest (16). This brief and expedited socio-economic context of Muslims in Europe would be employed by Marx in order to circumvent Islam's inability to privatize its creed: Muslims, although they live in modern secular States and enjoy political emancipation, persist in carrying on with their religious practices in public spaces, and sometimes in opposition to public laws, because they are suffering social inequality; they are suffering from not attaining human emancipation. Of course, all human beings lack of human emancipation, not only Muslims in Europe, but it is Muslims' special socio-economic situation in Europe that creates a secular deficiency from political emancipation and prevents their religion's transformation into a private creed. Jews did not have political emancipation and were, in their majority, entrepreneurs, which gave them a better socio-economic standing and allowed them to privatize their religion once political emancipation was conquered. Most of European Muslims, in contrast, are proletarians and, in worst cases, lumpenproletarians (17)and even if they enjoy political emancipation they find themselves in a position characterized by an extreme social inequality, that does not allow many of them to privatize their creed (18). Only through human emancipation and social equality they would be able to negate their religious differentiation; because in a true democratic State, a communist State according to Marx, communism itself would act as a religious belief and manner of living. That is, perhaps, how Marx intended to accomplish the abolition of all religions: by the emergence of a new politically and socially equal "religion for all human beings", that of communism.(1) Peled Yoad; "From Theology to Sociology: Bruno Bauer and Karl Marx on the Question of Jewish Emancipation";History of Political Thought; Vol. XIII, No. 3, Autumn, 1992. (2) Marx borrows the concept of species-being from Feuerbach. It seems to be implied in the text, although it is more possible to be influenced by later Marx's texts, that revolution is the mean to obtain human emancipation; the mean that those who suffer from social inequality will use in order to end that suffering. Once human emancipation is reached then the democratic/communist State is at hand. Again, this is not actually said in On the Jewish Question. (3) See Flannery Edward, Antisemitism: Myth and Hate from Antiquity to the Present, Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2005, pp.154-157; and Lewis Bernard, Semites and Anti-Semites: An Inquiry into Conflict and Prejudice, W. W. Norton & Company, New York, 1999, pp. 112.(4) Peled Yoad; "From Theology to Sociology: Bruno Bauer and Karl Marx on the Question of Jewish Emancipation"; History of Political Thought; Vol. XIII, No. 3, Autumn, 1992, pp. 475. (5) It was this image of the "financial Jew", embodied in the Rothschild dynasty, which begot the western anti-Semitic wave of the 19th and 20th century. See Arendt, Hannah, The Origins of Totalitarianism, Benediction Books, New York, 2009; Ferguson Niall, The Ascent of Money: A Financial History of the World, Penguin, New York, 2009; Ferguson Niall, The House of Rothschild, Penguin, New York, 2000; Landes David,Dynasties: Fortunes and Misfortunes of the World's Great Family Businesses, Penguin, New York, 2007.(6) Actually, the word "Judentum" came to be a synonymous with commerce.(7) Sorkin David, The Transformation of German Jewry, 1780-1840, Wayne State University Press, New York, 1999, pp. 108-9.(8) Peled Yoad; "From Theology to Sociology: Bruno Bauer and Karl Marx on the Question of Jewish Emancipation"; History of Political Thought; Vol. XIII, No. 3, Autumn, 1992, pp. 481.(9) For more about the interaction of Muslim minorities and political liberalism in a Rawlsian version see Benhenda, Mostapha, "For Muslim Minorities, it is Possible to Endorse Political Liberalism, but this is not Enough", Journal Of Islamic Law and Culture, Vol. 11, No. 2, May 2009, pp. 71-87. The article concludes that almost all Muslim minorities could and will endorse political liberalism, but many will not be able to do it because of a religious normative prohibition to reform their doctrine.(10) "Muslim Life in Germany", Federal Office for Migration and Refugees, German Government, http://www.bamf.de/SharedDocs/Anlagen/EN/Migration/Publikationen/Forschung/Forschungsberichte/fb6-muslimisches-leben,templateId=raw,property=publicationFile.pdf/fb6-muslimisches-leben.pdf(11) "Muslims in Europe", Open Society Institute; http://www.soros.org/initiatives/home/articles_publications/publications/muslims-europe-20091215/a-muslims-europe-20100302.pdf(12) Ibid.(13) Ibid.(14) Ibid.(15) Ibid.(16) For example, the HDI of Spain, Italy, Great Britain, France, Germany and Sweden are: 0,955; 0,951; 0,947; 0,961; 0.947 and 0,963 respectively; while the HDI of their respective Muslim communities are: 0,841; 0, 848; 0, 830; 0, 850; 0, 860; 0,912. Available at the European Social Survey http://ess.nsd.uib.no/ (17) Loïc Wacquant would call them "urban outcasts" or marginal. See Wacquant Loïc, Urban Outcasts: A Comparative Sociology of Advanced Marginality, Polity, Cambridge, 2007; Wacquant Loïc, Prisons of Poverty, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 2009; Wacquant Loïc, Los Condenados de la ciudad. Gueto, peripherias, Estado, Siglo XII Editores, Buenos Aires, 2007.(18) Certainly they are more religious than Christian and Jewish Europeans because they are perceived as a marginalized minority and in fierce competition with non-Muslim proletarians. It is civil society that enforces religious differentiation on them.*Estudiante de Doctorado, New School for Social Research, New YorkMaestría en Estudios Internacionales, Universidad Torcuato Di Tella, Buenos AiresÁrea de Especialización: Procesos de formación del Estado moderno, sociología de la guerra, terrorismo, genocidio, conflictos étnicos, nacionalismos y minorías.

En la actualidad los procesos de migración son foco de atención de numerosas disciplinas científicas e instituciones gubernamentales. El estudio del uso de plantas medicinales entre comunidades migrantes que habitan las urbes, también ha sido una temática que ha cobrado un interés creciente en la etnobotánica, especialmente por las diversas preocupaciones sanitarias que este fenómeno conlleva. El caso particular de la migración boliviana hacia Argentina es una de las más relevantes en nuestro país, con varias décadas de intercambios culturales en todo el territorio. Estos grupos en su nuevo lugar pueden recrear su herbolaria, armarse de estrategias para conseguir los recursos vegetales provenientes de su lugar de origen, incorporar nuevas especies y prácticas de la sociedad receptora o, bien, disminuir los usos o la riqueza de sus plantas medicinales. En este sentido es pertinente mencionar la medicina tradicional como eje principal y representativo del modo de vida de las comunidades del territorio andino. Esta práctica médica ancestral parte del concepto de enfermedad como un estado de desajuste interno empleando principalmente elementos vegetales para la cura. La Etnobotánica, ciencia que estudia la relación ser humano-planta, nos permite analizar en un entorno de ciudad el conocimiento botánico local (CBL) que surge en dichos contextos interculturales. Por otra parte, un concepto útil que permite analizar el cambio y la flexibilidad del CBL en comunidades inmigrantes sobre especies medicinales es la hibridación cultural. Se han propuesto como marcos teóricos el estudio de subprocesos distinguibles que tienen como finalidad visualizar, contextualizar y caracterizar de manera más profunda los procesos de hibridación en trabajos de etnobotánica urbana. Estos subprocesos pueden mostrar un enriquecimiento de la riqueza total de especies (fusión o yuxtaposición), re-utilización de recursos y/o prácticas en un nuevo ambiente (re-localización); mezcla de elementos vegetales tradicionales y nuevos para aumentar una acción terapéutica (recombinación), cambios y/o sustituciones de algún recurso (re-estructuración); agrupamientos internos en especies y prácticas (segregación espacial); novedades en la producción, circulación y consumo; y coexistencia simultánea de distintos universos simbólicos. Asimismo, entender los mecanismos de transmisión cultural del CBL de una población migrante resultan claves para comprender las hibridaciones posibles, dado que de esta forma se puede tener una visión más acabada de los procesos que dinamizan los saberes intercambiados entre los integrantes de la comunidad. En este sentido, esta tesis tuvo los principales objetivos: 1) Caracterizar los estudios de etnobotánica urbana, realizados tanto en poblaciones migrantes como no migrantes, respecto al uso de plantas medicinales y analizar los procesos de hibridación; 2) Documentar la riqueza de especies vegetales de valor medicinal de mayor importancia cultural, y las prácticas y valores asociados que siguen vigentes, o aquellos que cambiaron, en una comunidad migrante boliviana que reside actualmente en la ciudad de San Salvador de Jujuy; 3) Determinar las principales dolencias para las cuáles se utilizan plantas como recurso medicinal y si la consulta a especialistas andinos sigue vigente entre los migrantes; 4) Indagar las formas de obtención y ambientes de recolección del recurso vegetal; 5) Analizar las formas de aprendizaje y el tipo de transmisión de los conocimientos sobre plantas entre sus miembros; 6) Indagar en el ámbito escolar el CBL relacionado al uso de especies medicinales y las formas de adquisición de ese conocimiento. Para abordar los objetivos se aplicaron distintas estrategias metodológicas propias de la disciplina, como el análisis bibliográfico cuali-cuantitativo, trabajo de campo con adultos y niños, que incluyeron entrevistas y talleres participativos, y metodología botánica de gabinete para la determinación taxonómica de especies, que incluyó también técnicas micrográficas. Los datos se analizaron cualitativa y cuantitativamente, mediante la aplicación de índices y pruebas no paramétricas y de regresión multinomial dada la naturaleza categórica de la mayoría de las variables. En los capítulos I y II, III se presentan los antecedentes y principales marcos conceptuales de esta tesis, dando cuenta del proceso histórico de inmigración boliviana en Argentina y particularmente en la ciudad de San Salvador de Jujuy. En el capítulo IV correspondiente al primer objetivo de esta tesis, se estudiaron las herbolarias urbanas provenientes de la literatura internacional usando el concepto de hibridación cultural como marco teórico. Se detectaron 63 trabajos de la temática que poseen un rango temporal corto (1991-2016). Los principales resultados muestran que en las ciudades se utilizan alrededor de 531 especies medicinales, principalmente cosmopolitas. Existe un creciente interés en el estudio de herbolarias inmigrantes correspondiente al 33% (21 trabajos). Los procesos de mayor visibilidad en la literatura fueron las Novedades (29%), Relocalización (20%) y Fusión (19%). Al analizar estos artículos a través de una regresión multinomial se advierte en la bibliografía que las herbolarias urbanas con migrantes son menos proclives a fusionar con elementos vegetales exógenos y se advierten más relocalizaciones y restructuraciones en las plantas a utilizar. Mientras que la bibliografía focalizada en el sector de la sociedad urbana sin inmigrantes las fusiones son los procesos más mencionados.En el capítulo V, se desarrollan del segundo al sexto objetivo, que consiste en el trabajo de campo realizado en una comunidad boliviana que reside en un sector urbano-periurbano (Barrios Los Ladrilleros y Los Huaicos) de la ciudad de San Salvador de Jujuy, (Jujuy-Argentina) dedicada a la industria artesanal del armado de ladrillo. Los datos etnobotánicos fueron obtenidos mediante la aplicación de técnicas etnográficas como observación participante, entrevistas abiertas, semi- estructuradas, enlistados libres e historias de vida. Se entrevistaron 24 personas adultas, principalmente mujeres con experiencia en el uso de especies medicinales. Se relevaron 89 especies medicinales (44% nativas y 56% exóticas), de las que lograron mayor consenso Matricaria chamomilla, ?manzanilla? (62%) y Ruta chalepensis, ?ruda? (50%). Las familias Lamiaceas y Asteraceas fueron las más representativas. Se registraron 43 dolencias tratadas con plantas respetando las categorías émicas . La mejor representada fue destinada al tratar los ?dolores de estómago? (18%) y plantas que les ?hacen bien? (12,4%), consideradas como ?adaptógenas?. Se distinguieron distintos ambientes de colección: ?casa y alrededores? (46%), ?comercio? (23%), ?campo? (15%), ?huerta? (15%) y ?trae de Bolivia? (2%). Finalmente, el capítulo VI que corresponde al último objetivo de esta tesis, se analiza el conocimiento botánico local de niños bolivianos e hijos de bolivianos que residen en los barrios Los Ladrilleros y Los Huaicos de San Salvador de Jujuy. Mediante la metodología aula-taller, en una escuela estatal de la ciudad, se indagaron los saberes sobre plantas medicinales que forman parte de los niños y las formas de adquisición de ese conocimiento, así como también el rol que cumple la institución educativa como espacio de apertura a temas vinculados a la realidad local. Se emplearon técnicas propias de la metodología participativa que se utilizan en la indagación etnobotánica. Los resultados arrojaron 42 especies con fines medicinales siendo la especie de mayor frecuencia de uso Ruta sp. ?ruda? (67%). El modo más significativo de transmisión de este conocimiento fue vertical, a través de los abuelos y padres. A modo de conclusión, a nivel global, se puede decir que los migrantes en las ciudades tratan de reproducir sus prácticas con las mismas plantas que conocían en sus sitios de origen, mayormente cosmopolitas y de fácil obtención, sin poner en riesgo su salud con intoxicaciones o usos incorrectos de plantas nuevas. En todo caso, los peligros que sufren se refieren a los impedimentos existentes para que estos colectivos puedan obtener sus plantas y reproducir sus prácticas. En cambio, los trabajos de etnobotánica urbana generales mostrarían que su población no migrante es más proclive a fusionar sin conocimientos previos. A nivel local, en los inmigrantes bolivianos de San Salvador de Jujuy, su farmacopea está dada por una relocalización y reestructuración en su elenco de especies medicinales, tomando en cuenta la importancia de la huerta y casas y alrededores para abastecerse de las plantas de uso medicinal. Se manifiesta una reestructuración de su herbolaria debido a la percepción de procesos de desactivación de conocimientos. Por otra parte, las soluciones locales se basarían en la redundancia, y no en la versatilidad de su herbolaria. Con ello se aseguran su eficacia terapéutica en el tratamiento de enfermedades específicas con especies muy conocidas, de amplia distribución. Con respecto a lo que aprendieron los niños acerca del conocimiento botánico sobre el uso de las plantas medicinales, prevalece una transmisión del conocimiento botánico vertical, principalmente por vía materna. Esto reflejaría un conocimiento botánico con poca incorporación de información exógena, es decir, desde fuera del ámbito familiar. ; Migratory processes are currently attracting the attention of numerous scientific disciplines and governmental institutions. The study of medicinal plant use among migrant communities living in urban areas is also a topic of growing interest, especially because of diverse public health concerns that accompany this phenomenon. The particular case of the Bolivian migration to Argentina is one of the most relevant to our country, with a history of various decades of cultural exchange throughout the country. In their new environments these groups can recreate their herbal medicine, developing strategies to acquire plant resources from their country of origin, incorporate new species and practices from the receiving society, or decrease the use or richness of their medicinal plants. At this point it is important to mention that traditional medicine is a key factor, representative of the lifestyle of Andean communities. This ancestral medical practice is based on the concept of illness as a state of internal imbalance, and employs mainly plants as the means of treatment. Rom the perspective of ethnobotany, a science that studies the relationship between humans and plants, we can analyse the local botanical knowledge (LBK) that develops in intercultural contexts in an urban setting. A useful concept for the analysis of change and the flexibility of LBK in terms of medicinal species in immigrant communities is cultural hybridization. As a theoretical framework the study of distinguishable sub-processes has been suggested, as they can visualise, contextualise and characterise hybridization processes in urban ethnobotanical studies in a more profound way. These sub-processes can result in an increase in the total richness of species (fusion or juxtaposition), the reuse of resources and/or practices in a new environment (relocalisation), the blending of traditional and new plant elements to enhance therapeutic action (recombination), changes and/or substitution of a resource (restructuring), internal grouping of species and practices (spatial segregation), innovation in production, circulation and consumption, and the simultaneous coexistence of different symbolic universes. Understanding the mechanisms of cultural transmission of LBK in a migrant population is key to our comprehension of possible hybridization, since we can obtain a more complete picture of the processes involved in the exchange of wisdom between members of the community. The main objectives of this thesis were: 1) To characterise urban ethnobotanical studies on the use of medicinal plants, whether carried out in migrant populations or not, and analyse their processes of hybridization; 2) Document the richness of medicinal plant species which are of most cultural importance, and the associated practices and values 12 which are still maintained, and those which have changed, in a Bolivian migrant community currently residing in the city of San Salvador de Jujuy; 3) Determine the principal illnesses which are treated with plant resources and whether Bolivian migrants still consult Andean specialists; 4) Investigate how plant resources are acquired and identify the gathering environments used by Bolivian migrants; 5) Analyse the ways of learning and the type of transmission of plant knowledge used among community members; 6) Investigate LBK related to the use of medicinal species in a school context, and the methods of acquisition of this knowledge. In order to carry out this study different methodological strategies were applied which are commonly used in the discipline of ethnobotany, such as a quali-quantitative bibliographical analysis, fieldwork with adults and children, including interviews and participative workshops, and botanical laboratory methodology for the taxonomical definition of species, which also included micrographic techniques. The data obtained were analysed quantitatively and qualitatively, through the application of non-parametric indices and tests, and multinomial regression, given the categorical nature of most of the variables. In chapters I, II and III, background information and the main conceptual frameworks of this thesis are presented, taking into account the historical process of Bolivian migration into Argentina, and particularly the city of Jujuy. In chapter 4, corresponding to the first objective, urban herbal medicine in international literature is studied, using the concept of cultural hybridization as a theoretical framework The bibliographical research was carried out using the following search engines: Scielo (www.scielo.org), Scopus (www.scopus.com) and Google Scholar, and 63 studies with a short time span (1991-2016) were found on this subject. The main results show that approximately 531 medicinal species are used in cities, mainly cosmopolitan species. There is increasing interest in the study of immigrant herbolaria, corresponding to 33% (21 studies) of those found. The most frequently mentioned processes in the literature were Innovation (29%), Relocalisation (20%) and Fusion (19%). Analysis of these articles through multinomial regression revealed that the urban herbal medicine of migrants is less likely to undergo fusion with exogenous plant elements and contains little incorporation of new elements in the list of species used. Relocalisation and restructuring of the plants are found more commonly in these groups. In contrast, fusion is the most frequently mentioned process in the bibliography focusing on the sector of urban society without immigrants. 13 Chapter V deals with objectives 2 – 6, and describes fieldwork carried out in a Bolivian community residing in an urban-periurban sector (Los Ladrilleros and Los Huaicos neighbourhoods) of San Salvador de Jujuy (Jujuy -Argentina). Prior informed consent was obtained from participants, who were selected by means of opportunistic and snowball interviews. The ethnobotanical data were obtained through ethnographic techniques such as participant observation, open and semi-structured interviews, free listing and life histories. Of the 24 adults interviewed most were women with experience of medicinal plant species. A total of 89 medicinal plants were registered (44% were native and 56% exotic), and those with highest consensus were: Matricaria chamomilla, "manzanilla" (62%) and Ruta chalepensis, "ruda" (50%). The Lamiaceae and Asteraceae families being the most represented. Illnesses treated with plants numbered 43, respecting the emic categories . The most common ailment treated was "stomach pains" (18%). The next most common use category is associated with plants that "do one good" (12.4%), considered "adaptogens". Different plant gathering environments were identified: close to the house (46%), shops (23%), countryside (15%), vegetable garden (15%) and "brought from Bolivia" (2%). Finally, chapter VI deals with the last objective of this thesis, the analysis of LBK of Bolivian children and the children of Bolivians who live in the Los Ladrilleros and Los Huaicos neighbourhoods of San Salvador de Jujuy. Using classroom-workshop methodology in a state school in the city, we investigated the children's knowledge of medicinal plants, and the ways they had learned about them. We also analysed the role played by the educational institution in offering an opportunity to deal with subjects related to the local context. Participative methodology was used, as commonly employed in ethnobotanical investigation. Results revealed that 42 medicinal species were known by the children, the species with highest use frequency being Ruta sp. "ruda" (67%). The most important method of transmission of this knowledge was vertical, through grandparents and parents. In conclusion, on a global level it can be said that migrants in cities attempt to reproduce their practices with the same plants as they used in their places of origin, so as not to put their health at risk with toxic plants or incorrect usage. The dangers faced by the communities are associated with the difficulties they experience in the acquisition of their plants and reproduction of their practices. In contrast, general urban ethnobotanical 14 studies show that the non-migrant population is more likely to employ processes of fusion, with no previous knowledge. At a local level, the pharmacopoeia of the immigrant Bolivians in San Salvador de Jujuy is the result of relocalisation and restructuring of their medicinal species, taking into account the importance of vegetable gardens and the areas around their houses to provide a supply of plants with medicinal uses. The restructuring of their herbal medicine is due to their perception of processes of deactivation of knowledge. Local solutions are based on redundancy, and not on the versatility of their herbal medicine. In this way they are assured of effective therapies for the treatment of specific illnesses with very well known species, which have a wide distribution. Regarding the children's LBK related to medicinal species, the vertical transmission of knowledge is predominant, mainly by mothers. This is reflected in the children's knowledge having little exogenous information; that is, from outside their family. ; Fil: Acosta, Marina Eva. Universidad Nacional de Jujuy. Instituto de Ecorregiones Andinas. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Salta. Instituto de Ecorregiones Andinas; Argentina

Part I. Theoretical Foundations of Risk Management in Support of Sustainable Development -- SDGs Risks and Digital Approach to Managing Them -- Macroeconomic Risks of Sustainable Development: Features of Developed and Developing Countries -- The Contribution of Digital Technologies to Management of Sustainable Development Risks -- Innovative Development of Kazakhstan as an Experience for the Economic Development of Russia -- Reducing the Digital Divide as a Mechanism to Ensure Sustainable Economic and Social Development -- The Role of Blockchain in Public Administration in the Field of Economic Activity -- Trends in Dispute Resolution in E-Commerce: China's Experience -- Transformation of Settlement Relations in the Context of Industry 4.0: Conversion of Blockchain Club's Crypto-codes into Legitimate Analogues -- Possibilities and Threats of Digitalization for Society -- Integration into Global Value Chains as a Driver of High Technology Exports Development in China -- Regional Aspects of Ensuring Security and Development of Entrepreneurship in the Digital Economy -- Strategic Management of Innovation-Oriented Activities of Business Structures, Taking into Account Noospheric and Sustainable Development Approaches Transformed on an Advanced Methodological Basis -- The Methodology of "Smart City" in the Experience of Theoretical Organization of Knowledge of Contemporary Urban Epistemology -- Assessment of the Risks of Transition from a Global Pandemic Crisis to a Model of Long-Term Economic Growth -- Remote Justice Procedures during the COVID-19 Pandemic in the Russian Federation -- National Health as a Condition and Factor of Economic Growth: Legal Aspects -- The COVID-19 Pandemic and Crisis as a Source of Global Risks to Sustainable Development -- The Economic Impact of COVID-19 on the Development of Tour Operating in the Siberian and Far Eastern Federal Districts -- Methodological Approaches to Risk Assessment of the Implementation of State Programs and their State Financing in the Field of Healthcare in the Regions of Russia -- The Impact of COVID-19 on the Economies of Petroleum-Exporting Middle Eastern Countries -- The Impact of COVID-19 on Global Socio-economic Spheres and International Migration -- Development of the Pharmaceutical Industry: Current Trends and the Role of China -- Optimization Diagnosis of Spasm of Accommodation Among Students in the Osh State University -- Electronic Evidence in the Civil Proceedings: The Experience of the Republic of Korea -- Reshaping The Institution of Liability in International Space Law -- International Legal Challenges to Biotechnological Products -- Problems and Prospects for the Use of Electronic (Digital) Evidence in Arbitration Proceedings -- New Forms of Dispute Resolution in the Russian Federation as a Reflection of Innovation in Law Enforcement: Platform Justice -- Legal Assessment of Objective and Subjective Justifiable Defense Signs -- Specifics of Preventive Visit as a Type of Preventive Measures (Using the Example of the Federal Service for Surveillance on Consumer Rights Protection and Human Wellbeing) -- Comparison of Legal Regulation of Expense Accounting in the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China -- Mechanisms of the Legal Management of Sustainable Development Risks at the Macro Level of Economic Systems -- Protecting Social Rights in an Era of Economic Change -- A Universal Human Rights Mechanism for the Protection or Revision of the Institution of Family in an Era of Economic Change -- Trends of the Russian Labor Legislation Development in the Era of Great Challenges -- Impact of Customs and Tariff Regulation on Economic Security -- Customs and Tariff Regulation of the Eurasian Economic Union in the Context of New Geo-economic Realities and Challenges to Industry -- On the Indicative Approach to Assessing International Trade Within the EAEU -- Russian-Azerbaijani Bilateral Trade Cooperation in Terms of Eurasian Integration -- A Feasibility Study of China-EAEU Free Trade Agreement -- Dollarization in Ecuador, Economic Growth, Trade Balance, Impact on Ecuadorian Foreign Trade -- Integration Processes and the Economy of Peru: Current Trends -- The Impact of Socio-economic Inequality on the Relations Between the European Union Countries and the Assessment of Strategic Areas for its Reduction -- Development of the Institute of Customs Representatives in the Republic of Kazakhstan -- The Impact and Role of Foreign Direct Investment in the Modernization of China's Automotive Industry -- Economic Cooperation of the Levant Countries: Main Directions and Opportunities -- EAEU and BRI: Current Prospects of Mutual Cooperation -- Assessing the Economic Positions of the European Union Countries in the Context of Transforming Foreign Economic Relations and Implementing a New Industrial Strategy for Europe -- Geo-economic Interests of the Republic of Turkey in the Republic of Uzbekistan -- Rethinking the Potential of the International Transport Corridor "North-South" in Sustaining Russia's Foreign Trade -- Prospects of the Khorgos Free Economic Zone -- Part II. Applied Aspects of Risk Management in Support of Sustainable Development -- Philosophy of System Sustainable Development of Economic Systems from the Position of the Noospheric Approach -- Philosophy of Sustainable Development Risks Through the Lens of the SDGs -- Sociology of Sustainable Development: the Role of Responsible Communities in the Achievement of the SDGs and the Advantages for the Quality of Life -- Social Aspects of the Sustainable Development Risks: Social Support for Responsible Innovations vs. "Human Factor" as a Barrier on the Path of Their Implementation -- Matrix of Risks for Sustainable Development and the Universal Mechanisms of Risk Management of Implementing the SDGs -- Risks of Region's Sustainable Development: a Systemic View from the Position of Society, Economy and Law -- The Risks of Implementing and Managing the SDGs in the Company's Activities: a Case Study by the Example of the Largest Companies of Russia -- The Importance of the International Policy of Globalisation and Open Economy to the Reduction of the Global Risks for Sustainable Development -- The Role of the State Management Institutions in the Reduction of the Macro-Economic Risks for Sustainable Development -- Innovations as the Basis for Managing the Region's Sustainable Development Risks -- Corporate Social Responsibility to Manage the Risks to the Achievement of the SDGs in the Entrepreneurial Activities -- Social Entrepreneurship as an Institute of Sustainable Development Risk Management -- Modern Issues in Sustainability Reporting -- Assessment of the Strain-stress Distribution in the Vicinity Conceding Mountainside's Scarp using Mathematical Modeling -- Marketing Mix of a Responsible Company to Manage the Risks to the Achievement of the SDGs -- The Role of Personnel Training in Higher Education and HRM to Reduce the Sustainable Development Risks -- Values of Modern Organizations and Social Responsibility of Scientific Institutions -- Regulatory and Legal Provision of Sustainable Development Risk Management in the Agro-Industrial Complex: an Overview of International Experience -- Theoretical Basis of Risk Management in Manufacturing Enterprises -- Problems of Increasing Investment Attractiveness of the Agro-Industrial Complex of the Kyrgyz Republic and Ways to Solve Them -- The Impact of Sharp Fluctuations in Global Crude Petroleum Prices on the World Economy -- International Production in the Russian Automotive Industry -- Regression Analysis of the Development Indicators of Light Industry in Kyrgyzstan -- Development of the Competitiveness of Integrated Sectors of the Economy in the Market of Goods and Services -- Research on the Behavior of Online Consumers in the Global Internet Space -- Creation of a SaaS-System for Image Analysis in Agriculture Using Artificial Intelligence Methods -- Development of the Recycling Sector and its Marketing Support as a Factor in the Sustainable Development of the Forestry Sector of the Economy -- The Influence of Macroeconomic Factors on the Art Market (on the Example of International Sales of the MacDougall's Auction House) -- Transformation of the Structure of the Cross-border Agri-food Value Chain -- Middle East Energy Policy Transformation: Saudi Case -- Reflections of Gender Inequality in Language and Culture -- Integral Assessment of Labor Potential of the Region in the Age of Digital Economy -- The Model for Assessing the Professional Competencies of Employees in Today's Labor Market -- Influence of Parents on Formation of National Consciousness of a Teenager -- On the Etymology of the Kyrgyz Names of Dwelling and Family from the Point of View of the Theory of Linguo-Regional Unity of the Altai and Chinese Peoples -- Labor Migrants in the Economy of GCC Countries: History, Modernity, Problems, and Perspectives -- Titulature in the Text of the Epic "Manas" and "Babur's Notes" as a Source of Information About the Social Institutions of the Central Asian Region -- Monohexamethylenetetramine Zinc Iodide Complex Compound for Cotton Growth and Development Stimulation: Advantages in the Labor Market -- Assessment of Social Security of the Population of Federal Districts -- On the Reflexes of the Ancient Root "But" [Foot] in Nostratic Languages -- Social Unemployment Insurance Systems in China and Russia: Comparative Characteristics -- Instrumental Competencies of Linguists in an Undergraduate Degree -- Ethnonyms as Concepts of Foreign Culture in the Text of a Fiction -- Challenges Affecting Listening Comprehension in Professionally-Oriented English and the Strategies for Improvement (Railway Engineering) -- Translation of Structures with Social and Grammatical Gender in the English Language (based on Feature Film Scripts) -- Humanistic Philosophical Foundations of Social Work -- Quantitative Tool.

The article aims to describe and analyse international relations debates, focusing on the contributions that feminisms make to the field as one of the dissident currents and reflectivist approaches -especially in its postcolonial/decolonial formulations. The methodology used is qualitative, and a specific bibliography is reviewed in order to examine the current discussions in the discipline, the confrontations within feminisms in IR, as well as their contributions. Moreover, we will look at the revision that Latin American and Caribbean decolonial feminism has instigated, considering the importance of intersectionality for expanding disciplinary boundaries. The text is articulated around the following questions: What debates run through the contemporary disciplinary field? What do the approaches of feminisms, within this framework, question and propose? What methodologies and notions do they introduce in IR studies? Which contributions are made by Latin American and Caribbean feminism? Thus, specific methodological and epistemological issues illuminated by feminisms in IR, such as the body politics,the micropolitics approach, and the focus on everyday practices,are given particular consideration. Solomon & Steele (2016) affirm that it "is only now — with increasing shifts to the micro — that academic IR has begun to (re)discover the lives and people of global politics, and to breathe life back into a field that grand theory mostly neglected". Every life of any person around the world should be recognized; there is no international system or society without the actions and practices of ordinary people. In this regard, feminisms have been key introductions into the field of IR, along with poststructuralism and postcolonialism, which are regular research instruments in disciplines like anthropology or sociology. For instance, ethnographic studies or participant observation are techniques that support the turns and innovations mentioned above. This framework is fundamental to make gender differences visible from an intersectional perspective. Postcolonial/decolonial feminism concentrates their studies on that difference, especially considering its links with other inequalities and concrete oppressions: e.g. in relation to race, ethnicity, religion, class, and nationality. In Latin America and the Caribbean, this perspective takes on an added relevance, and gives rise in this text to the problematization of its entanglement with human rights; the relationship between women, work and racialization; inequalities and violence; together with their links with global neoliberalism. In this respect, the article gives a comprehensive account of the main issues tackled by feminisms in the region, such as women's positions during the colonization period, and the multiple forms of violence related to their role. For instance, there is the importance of state responsibility in femicides, and the internal colonization and the neglect of diversity in national (plurinational) societies. These are performed by academia and social movements, particularly so in Western (white) feminist perspectives. The text is divided into three sections. Firstly, the framework of current IR debates is established, the differences between feminisms in IR and their classifications are described, and the theoretical contributions that these approaches have made to the discipline through methodological instruments such as micropolitics, corporeality and the practices of everyday life are elaborated. In the words of Enloe (2007, p.100) "Feminism is a multidimensional yet coherent worldview. Feminism is an achieved mosaic of understandings, yet it is still unfolding. […] feminism is a complex set of understandings about how power operates, how power is legitimized and how power is perpetuated". Regardless of which perspective within feminism is being highlighted, some fundamental common issues will appear: neoliberalism and patriarchy are two of them, but also violence against women, gender identities and rights, exploitation, public and private spheres distinctions, etc. Then, the particularities of decolonial feminisms in Latin America and the Caribbean, along with their intersectional look at the field, are discussed: the question of subalternity, difference and neoliberalism, the concrete forms they acquire in the Global South and in the region. Moreover, the relevance of the link between neoliberalism and patriarchy is brought into consideration as a research topic shared by different feminist perspectives. In this respect, we name some authors form the region that propose feminist genealogic studies (Ciriza, 2015; Parra, 2021). As Marchand (2013, p.64) explains, the opportunities of a young middle-class woman with a university education are greater than those of a 65-year-old indigenous man with little formal education and a peasant life. While obviously not in a dominant position in society and the labour market, the young woman still has a privileged position with respect to the indigenous. These differences are invisible in the rational mainstream, and also in liberal -and some socialist or poststructuralist- feminisms. Some particular research is mentioned to show how the body politics, micropolitical approaches, and the practice turn are effectively used in IR studies, with innovative techniques oriented towards ethnographic studies and participated action. For instance, the examination of global women (and gender diversities), migration and mobility are illuminated by focusing in particular case: women from Guerrero in Texas (Muñoz y Mendoza, 2018). Also, the incidences of sexual violence in the conflict in Guatemala is brought to light through the voices of the Maya women survivors and thanks to the research of Fulchiron (2016). This research emphasises the use of the femininized body as a war instrument. In addition, this paper mentions the contribution that Latin American and Caribbean feminisms have made to the field of human rights, especially through the participation in international organizations such as OAS and UN. (Barrancos, 2021; Chiarotti Boero, 2021) Considering all the above mentioned, we state that critical and intersectional feminisms allow us to think IR as a diverse field, with true planetary scope, and capable of recovering the importance of the well-being and daily lives of people. Finally, the conclusions are presented with possible relevant lines for future research (ecofeminism and the Latin American approaches to it). Dissident contributions in IR, in general, call into question the mainstream, giving rise in recent years to alternative, peripheral and silenced voices through postcolonial studies (decoloniality) and the feminisms, amongst others. These voices of difference generate discussion beyond hegemonic perspectives, producing key contributions for the continued interrogation of the discipline. These voices, for instance from Latin America and the Caribbean, draw on their own worldviews, along with traditional and popular knowledge. This assists in the promotion of new approaches and value situated, plural, intersectional and corporeized knowledges. ; El artículo se propone describir y analizar los debates en la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales (RRII), focalizando en los aportes que los feminismos hacen al campo como corriente disidente, y en especial, en sus vertientes postcoloniales/decoloniales. Con una metodología cualitativa, se revisa bibliografía específica que permite dar cuenta de las discusiones actuales en la disciplina, las confrontaciones al interior de los feminismos en RRII y sus contribuciones, y, en ese plano, se repasan los aportes propios del feminismo decolonial latinoamericano y caribeño, considerando el señalamiento sobre la interseccionalidad realizada por este. Así, se examinan cuestiones metodológicas y epistemológicas concretas como la cuestión del cuerpo, los estudios desde la micropolítica y el foco en las prácticas cotidianas de las personas, iluminadas por los feminismos en las RRII. Ese marco es fundamental para visibilizar las diferencias de género desde una perspectiva interseccional, que desde el feminismo postcolonial/decolonial se concentra en sus vínculos con otras desigualdades y opresiones (raza, origen, clase social, entre otras). En América Latina y el Caribe esta mirada adquiere una relevancia distintiva y da lugar en este escrito a la problematización de sus vínculos con los derechos humanos, con las desigualdades y las violencias, y sus articulaciones con el neoliberalismo transnacionalizado. El texto se divide en tres apartados: primero, en el marco de los debates actuales del campo de estudio, se revisan los aportes de los feminismos en las RRII y se describen las diferencias al interior de estos. En particular, se indican como contribuciones teórico-metodológicas de los enfoques feministas a las RRII aquellos estudios basados en la micropolítica, la corporeidad y las prácticas de la vida cotidiana. Luego, se tratan las particularidades de los feminismos decoloniales en América Latina y el Caribe y su mirada interseccional en el campo: la cuestión de la subalternidad, la diferencia, la inequidad y el neoliberalismo, las formas concretas que adquieren en el Sur Global y en la región. Por último, se presentan las conclusiones con posibles líneas relevantes para futuras investigaciones. Los aportes disidentes en las RRII, en general, ponen en cuestión la corriente principal, dando lugar en los últimos años a voces alternativas, periféricas y silenciadas a través de los estudios postcoloniales (decolonialidad) y los feminismos, entre otros. Son esas voces de la diferencia las que presentan discusión a las perspectivas hegemónicas, produciendo contribuciones claves para continuar pensando la disciplina; en América Latina y el Caribe esto se realiza desde cosmovisiones propias, que buscan amalgamar saberes tradicionales y populares, propiciar nuevos enfoques y valorizar un conocimiento situado, interseccional, plural y corporeizado.

"Die Revolution hat ein weibliches Gesicht. Der Fall Belarus" – so lautet das jüngst im Suhrkamp Verlag erschienene Buch von Olga Shparaga[1], in dem die belarusische Philosophin die aktuelle Protestbewegung in ihrer Heimat analysiert. Wie schon der Titel verrät, steht dabei die Rolle der Frauen im Fokus. Sie sind es, die das Bild der revolution-in-progress, wie Shparaga die Ereignisse in Belarus seit den gefälschten Wahlen vom Sommer 2020 nennt, maßgeblich bestimmen.Auch in Polen ist es eine Frau, die das Bild der belarusischen Proteste prägt und es damit in den letzten Wochen regelmäßig auf die Titelseiten der polnischen und internationalen Zeitungen geschafft hat. Die Rede ist von der Künstlerin und Aktivistin Jana Shostak aus Hrodna in Belarus. Stets in ein weiß-rot-weißes Kleid gekleidet – den Farben, die für den Widerstand gegen das Regime von Alexander Lukaschenko stehen – macht sie zudem mit ihrer Aktion "Krzyk dla Białorusi" ("Schrei für Belarus") unermüdlich auf die politische Situation in ihrer Heimat aufmerksam. Eine Minute lang dauert ihre Aktion, die mittlerweile unter dem Hashtag #globalscream bekannt ist. Eine Minute schreit sie mit voller Lautstärke und lädt die Herumstehenden zur Teilnahme ein. Shostak nannte es zuletzt eine "krzykoterapia" – eine "Schreitherapie". Diese bringe das Wechselbad der Emotionen zum Ausdruck, die durch die hoffnungsvollen Proteste und die blutigen Gegenreaktionen des Lukaschenko-Regimes hervorgerufen werden. In Kunstkreisen ist Shostak, die aus einer belarusisch-polnischen Familie stammt und 2010 zum Kunststudium nach Polen kam, schon seit einigen Jahren bekannt und ist regelmäßig auf zahlreichen polnischen und europäischen Ausstellungen vertreten. Zuletzt war sie auf Schönheitswettbewerben in Polen unterwegs, die sie als Plattform für künstlerische Projekte nutzt. Erstmals Aufmerksamkeit erregte sie 2017 mit ihrer Abschlussarbeit, die im Atelier des bekannten Installationskünstlers Mirosław Bałka an der Warschauer Kunstakademie entstand und als Gegenentwurf zur restriktiven Flüchtlingspolitik der Regierung gelesen werden kann.Sensibilisiert durch ihren eigenen Migrationshintergrund begab sich Shostak hier auf die Suche nach einer Alternative für das polnische Wort "uchodźca", zu Deutsch "Flüchtling".In Gesprächen mit in Polen lebenden Ausländer:innen, polnischen Bürger:innen und Sprachwissenschaftler:innen ging sie der Bedeutung des Begriffs "Flüchtling" nach. Um die mit diesem Wort verbundene stigmatisierende Wirkung in eine positive Assoziation zu wandeln, schlug sie vor, "Flüchtling" mit "Nowak" zu ersetzten – also mit dem in Polen am häufigsten vorkommenden Nachnamen, der ins Deutsche mit "Neuling", ins Englische mit "newcomer" übersetzt werden kann. Dies diskutierte sie auch in der beliebten TV-Show "Słownik Polsko-Polski" ("Polnisch-Polnisches Wörterbuch") und präsentierte ihre Ergebnisse öffentlich im beliebten Warschauer Einkaufszentrum "Złote Tarasy". Shostaks Ziel ist es, die polnische Sprache nachhaltig zu verändern und auch andere zum Gebrauch der neuen Wortschöpfung zu bewegen. Zu diesem Zweck benutzt sie seitdem in allen Interviews und öffentlichen Auftritten konsequent die Substantive "Nowak, Nowaczka, Nowacy", wenn sie von Flüchtlingen spricht und zählt darüber hinaus zum kleinen Kreis von Verfechter:innen einer gendersensiblen Sprache in Polen.[2] Seit dem Beginn der Protestbewegung gegen das Regime von Alexander Lukaschenko setzt sich Jana Shostak nun vor allem für ihre aus Belarus geflüchteten Landsleute ein. Mit ihrer einminütigen Schrei-Aktion appellierte sie im Herbst 2020 mehrere Dutzend Mal im musealen Kontext und vor dem Warschauer Büro der Europäischen Kommission für mehr Aufmerksamkeit für die Probleme von Belarus:innen. Angefangen hat sie mit dieser performativen Aktion bereits Ende August, als sie aus ihrer belarusischen Heimatstadt Hrodna von den Protesten nach der gefälschten Wahl nach Warschau zurückkehrte. Zudem engagiert sich Shostak seitdem bei der praktischen Organisation von Unterstützung für die nach Polen vor Repressionen und Folter Geflüchteten und fordert von der polnischen Politik die Einhaltung der versprochenen Hilfeleistungen. Erfolgreich war die mittlerweile 28-Jährige damit bereits im September 2020. Während eines Treffens zwischen dem polnischen Premierminister Mateusz Morawiecki mit der belarusischen Oppositionsführerin Swetlana Tichanowskaja konnte Jana Shostak auf die formellen Visa-Probleme aufmerksam machen, mit denen die belarusischen Flüchtlinge zu diesem Zeitpunkt zu kämpfen hatten. Nachdem sie bei einem offiziellen Spaziergang durch die Warschauer Innenstadt lautstark ihre Stimme erhoben hatte, suchte der Amtschef des polnischen Ministerpräsidenten das Gespräch mit ihr. Shostak erreichte, dass die Ausgabe von Touristenvisa für Belarusen wieder aufgenommen und den Inhabern von humanitären Visa der Zugang zum Arbeitsmarkt ermöglicht wurde. Zuvor hatte sie ohne Ergebnis versucht, andere Abgeordnete sowie die Helsinki- Stiftung für Menschenrechte in Polen mit Sitz in Warschau zu kontaktieren. "Dank des Trainings durch meine Schrei-Minute (…) habe ich mir eine starke Stimme erarbeitet", erklärte sie ihren Erfolg im Nachhinein der Presse und setzte so auch diese Aktion in Bezug zu ihrem Schrei-Protest für Belarus.[3]Viral ging ihr Schrei-Protest, als sie bei der vom EU-Parlamentarier Robert Biedroń einberufenen Pressekonferenz nach der Gefangennahme des Bloggers und Journalisten Roman Protasewitsch teilnehmen durfte. Am 24. Mai, einen Tag nach dem Vorfall, kamen in Warschau vor der Botschaft der Republik Belarus Politiker:innen zusammen; auch in Polen lebende belarusische Oppositionelle waren bei der Pressekonferenz dabei. Shostak, wie immer in ihrem weiß-rot-weißen Kleid und diesmal mit einem Pappschild mit SOS-Schriftzug in den Händen, beendete ihren verzweifelten Appell an die EU mit dem einminütigen Schrei. Nicht nur hielt die internationale Presse diesen eindrücklichen Moment fest, in Polen erregte vor allem ihr Dekolleté oder vielmehr die Tatsache, dass sie unter ihrem Kleid keinen BH trägt, große Aufmerksamkeit.Dabei kam die Kritik nicht, wie zu erwarten wäre, vonseiten der rechtskonservativen Kreise, sondern von der Linken-Abgeordneten Anna-Maria Żukowska. Auf Twitter postete diese unter dem Foto von Shostaks Aktion einen inzwischen gelöschten Kommentar: "Warum habe ich nicht das Gefühl, dass es ihr tatsächlich um Belarus geht?"[4] Die mit der linken Zeitschrift Krytyka Polityczna verbundene Journalistin Wiktoria Bieliaszyn repostete sofort: "Jana Shostak reißt sich seit Monaten die Beine aus, ihre ganze Zeit opfert sie dem Aktivismus und realen Hilfeleistungen für Belarusen und die Opfer des Regimes. Anna-Maria Żukowska, angeblich eine Abgeordnete der Linken, sieht einen Bildschirm, auf dem man sich abzeichnende Brustwarzen sieht, also veröffentlicht sie einen blöden, ordinären, sexistischen und misogynischen Kommentar. Würden männliche Brustwarzen bei Ihnen auch so viele Emotionen hervorrufen? Schäm dich, Linke!"[5] #DekoltDlaBiałorusi – ein Dekolleté für Belarus Es folgten heftige Reaktionen in den sozialen Medien und eine große Solidarisierungwelle. Künstler:innen und Aktivist:innen organisieren seitdem in ganz Polen Schrei-Aktionen für Belarus. Besonders aktiv ist der Künstler Arek Pasożyt in Toruń. Bartosz Bielenia, der Hauptdarsteller des Oscar-nominierten Films "Corpus Christi" nutze wiederum eine offizielle Preisverleihung im Europarlament für seinen Schrei für Belarus.Shostak selbst drang in Warschau sogar bis in den Senat vor[6] und nutze die ihr zuteilwerdende Aufmerksamkeit: Über ihre sozialen und inoffiziellen Netzwerke initiierte sie die Aktion #DekoltDlaBiałorusi. Hierfür kam sie erneut vor dem Warschauer Büro der Europäischen Kommission mit einer Gruppe von Künstlerinnen und Aktivistinnen zusammen, die nur mit einem BH bekleidet oder mit ganz nacktem Oberkörper ihre Schrei-Performance begleiteten. Alle hatten dabei mit schwarzer Schrift auf dem Dekolleté die Namen von polnischen und internationalen Firmen stehen, die weiterhin mit dem Regime von Alexander Lukaschenko zusammenarbeiten. Abb. Mit freundlicher Erlaubnis von Künstlerin und vom Fotografen Die Aktion erinnert auf den ersten Blick an die Femen-Proteste – also an die in der Ukraine entstandene und mittlerweile von Frankreich aus weltweit tätige Aktivistinnen-Gruppe, die mit entblößten Brüsten und auf die Haut gemalten Sprüchen nicht unumstritten auf Frauenunterdrückung und Sexismus aufmerksam macht. #DekoltDlaBiałorusi wirkt allerdings vorsichtiger und durch die Mischung von bekleideten und obenherum entblößten Frauen weniger provokant. So ist auch zu erwähnen, dass die Brustwarzen der obenherum unbekleideten Frauen abgeklebt waren, um so die Zensur durch die sozialen Medien zu umgehen und die Weiterverbreitung der Aktion nicht zu gefährden.Nichtsdestotrotz ist es auch hier der nackte Frauenkörper in Verbindung mit dem lauten Schrei, der die Aufmerksamkeit der Öffentlichkeit fordert und so Veränderung – in diesem Fall die Aufgabe der wirtschaftlichen Zusammenarbeit mit dem belarusischen Diktator – erreichen will. #DekoltDlaBiałorusi im Kontext der feministsichen Kunst und des Frauenstreiks in Polen Die Aktion #DekoltDlaBiałorusi hat folglich offensichtliche feministische Elemente. Im polnischen Kontext geht der Einsatz des nackten Frauenkörpers als Werkzeug des politischen und gesellschaftlichen Protests bereits auf die 1970er und frühen 1980er Jahre zurück. So kann die Aktion #DekoltDlaBiałorusi auch in die Tradition der Arbeiten der polnischen Performancekünstlerin Ewa Partum gestellt werden. Die seit 1983 in Berlin lebende Partum, die heute als Pionierin der feministischen Kunst Ostmitteleuropas gilt, schuf 1980 unter dem Titel "Samoidentyfikacja" ("Selbstidentifikation") einen Zyklus von Fotomontagen. In diesen komponierte sie ihren eigenen nackten Körper in Fotografien des grauen, sozialistischen Warschauer Alltags hinein, so dass es wirkt, als würde sie unbekleidet durch die Innenstadt laufen.Partums so in Szene gesetzte Nacktheit wird zu einem Moment der Kritik gegenüber dem kommunistischen System. Adressiert wird in der Serie "Selbstidentifikation" allerdings ebenso die konservative polnische Gesellschaft samt ihrer politischen Opposition, die mit ihrer Nähe zur katholischen Kirche ein traditionelles Frauenbild propagierte. Letzteres führte schließlich auch dazu, dass die seit 1956 geltende liberale Regelung auf Abtreibung 1993 im Sinne der Wiederherstellung der nationalen polnischen Ordnung und Überwindung des kommunistischen Systems verschärft wurde. Ab da war Abtreibung nur in Ausnahmefällen möglich.[7] Hatten die Frauen in Polen dies noch weitestgehend stillschweigend akzeptiert und waren feministische Stimmen wie die Ewa Partums noch eine Seltenheit, kommt es seit 2016 zu regelmäßigen Protesten gegen Versuche der weiteren Verschärfung des Rechts auf Abtreibung. Als das regierungsfreundliche Verfassungsgericht in Polen schließlich am 22. Oktober 2020 durchsetzte, dass fortan Schwangerschaftsabbrüche auch aufgrund schwerer Fehlbildungen des Fötus als verfassungswidrig gelten, überzog eine Welle von Protestaktionen das Land. Bis heute flammen diese immer wieder auf und haben sich zu einem zivilgesellschaftlichen Gegengewicht zur offiziellen Politik der PiS-Partei entwickelt. Geprägt sind die Proteste von performativen Aktionen und visuellen Symbolen wie dem roten Blitz, der zum Erkennungszeichen der Bewegung geworden ist. Sowohl im öffentlichen Raum wie auch in den sozialen Medien sind diese anzutreffen und stehen für die Forderung nach körperlicher Selbstbestimmung. Auch in diesem Kontext sind die Aktionen #DekoltDlaBiałorusi und #globalscream zu sehen. So soll an dieser Stelle nicht unerwähnt bleiben, dass das gemeinsame Schreien bereits im Kontext des Frauenstreiks eine Form des Protests darstellte.[8] Nun allerdings von der internationalen Empörung getragen, die die perfide Verhaftung Roman Protasewitsch auslöste, hat der #globalscream durch Jana Shostak in Polen eine Erweiterung und gleichzeitig Neu-Kontextualisierung erhalten. Ohne Zweifel geht es allen, die sich aktuell daran beteiligen, hauptsächlich um Aufmerksamkeit für die Situation in Belarus und Hilfe für die aus dem Land Geflüchteten. So wurde insbesondere durch die Verbindung mit der Aktion #DekoltDlaBiałorusi auch vermehrte Aufmerksamkeit auf den ebenfalls vor dem vor dem Warschauer Büro der Europäischen Kommission Anfang Juni parallel andauernden Hungerstreik der Belarusinen Stasia Glinnik, Bażena Szamowicz und Karalina Sauka gelenkt, die ähnliche Ziele wie die Schreienden verfolgten und Sanktionen der EU gegen das Lukaschenko-Regime forderten.Abb. Mit freundlicher Erlaubnis vom Künstler und vom Fotografen Aber wäre die Kritik an Jana Shostaks Dekolleté auch so viral gegangen, bestünde aktuell weniger Sensibilität für feministische Themen, zu denen auch die selbstbestimmte Wahl der Kleidung gehört? Hätte sie auch dann soviel Solidarität und Aufmerksamkeit für ihr Anliegen bekommen? Wäre es Jana Shostak ohne ihr bestehendes Netzwerk in der polnischen Kunstszene gelungen, so viele Menschen für die Solidarität mit Belarus zu mobilisieren und damit auch die Politik zum Handeln aufzufordern?Zwischen Kunst und politischem Aktivismus Neben Personen aus der belarusischen Diaspora handelt es sich nämlich bei vielen der Protagonist:innen, die Shostak bei ihren aktuellen Aktionen unterstützen, um Aktivist:innen und Künstler:innen, die auch den Frauenstreik mitprägen. Auch Jana Shostak selbst gehört zu jenen, die den Frauenstreik unterstützen und die sich ebenso immer wieder für Klimaschutz, gegen Rassismus und Homophobie einsetzen. Dabei werden jenseits der parteigelenkten Politik "postartistische", meist performative Praktiken an der Grenze von Kunstbetrieb und politischem Aktivismus entwickelt. Diese überwinden den musealen Kontext und gemeinsam mit einer breiten Masse wird für Minderheitenrechte und gegen Diskriminierung in Polen und weltweit eingestanden.Shostaks Engagement in dieser Sache offenbart nicht nur ihr eingangs erwähntes Projekt "Nowak, Nowaczka, Nowacy". Deutlich wurde dies zuletzt auch während der "Parada Równości", der "Pride-Parade", die am 19. Juni 2021 in Warschau stattfand. Hier taten sich Vertreter:innen des Frauenstreiks mit den belarusischen Aktivist:innen zusammen und demonstrierten gemeinsam mit der LGBTQI-Community friedlich gegen die von der Regierung mitbefeuerte Homophobie. Shostak appellierte dabei auch an die belarusische Oppositionsbewegung, bei den eigenen Bemühungen um die europäischen Werte und Rechte selbst auch keine Minderheiten auszugrenzen. Dafür musste sie wiederum Stimmen der Kritik von der oftmals konservative Werte vertretenden belarussischen Diaspora hinnehmen. Abb. Facebook-Screenshot mit freundlicher Erlaubnis der Künstlerin
[1] Olga Shparaga: Die Revolution hat ein weibliches Gesicht. Der Fall Belarus, Berlin 2021.


[2] Vgl. https://www.calvertjournal.com/articles/show/9664/newcomers-poland-migration-art (29.6.2021.)


[3] Maciek Piasecki: Historia jednego protestu: nakrzyczała na Morawieckiego i wywalczyła pomoc dla Białorusinów, oko.press vom 3. Oktober 2020, https://oko.press/nakrzyczala-na-morawieckiego-i-wywalczyla-pomoc/ (29.6.2021)


[4] Anna Maria Żukowska komentuje zdjęcie aktywistki. "Dlaczego nie mam wrażenia, że naprawdę chodzi jej o Białoruś?", wprost.pl vom 25. Mai 2021, https://www.wprost.pl/polityka/10450242/jan-shostak-wzniosla-krzyk-rozpaczy-anna-maria-zukowska-krytykuje-aktywistke.html (29.6.2021).

[5] https://twitter.com/bieliaszyn/status/1396869027721515010?s=27 (29.6.2021).

[6] "Łukaszenka uczynił z polskiej mniejszości kozła ofiarnego", TVN 24 Polska vom 11. Juni 2021,https://tvn24.pl/polska/senat-debata-na-temat-dzialan-polskiego-rzadu-w-sprawie-bialorusi-5118137 (29.6.2021).


[7] Vgl. Stephan Raabe (unter Mitarbeit von Janina Härtel): Zur Korrektur eines Klischees: Abtreibung in Polen Zahlen und Schätzungen, Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung in Polen, 9. Mai 2007, https://www.kas.de/c/document_library/get_file?uuid=4f270774-45bc-a804-cf3c-49183e68ca6f&groupId=252038 (29.6.2021)


[8] Akcja "Global Scream" w Poznaniu - minuta krzyku kobiet na Półwiejskiej, in: Polska Times (Onlineausgabe) vom 9. März 2019.
https://polskatimes.pl//akcja-global-scream-w-poznaniu-minuta-krzyku-kobiet-na-polwiejskiej-zdjecia-wideo/ar/13949883 (29.6.2021). In Berlin organisiert das mit dem polnischen Frauenstreik verbundene Kollektiv Dziewuchy Berlin seit 2019 auch #globalscream-Aktionen. Vgl. HERstoria współczesna – o Global Scream, https://www.dziewuchyberlin.org/2021/06/19/herstoria-wspolczesna-o-global-scream/?fbclid=IwAR3iqp1iYEpz3fW_3NUWEBRCGzJpmhI0rnDl0H67qYF_e9bZIhiItxJMREI (29.6.2021)

La presente ricerca indaga sul trasferimento di europei a Lima, tra gli anni Trenta e la fine degli anni Sessanta del Novecento, e si interroga sull'influenza di questo fenomeno sull'evoluzione architettonica e urbanistica nella capitale peruviana. La partecipazione di europei nella pianificazione della cosiddetta Ciudad de los Reyes, principale centro amministrativo per i territori del subcontinente americano dominati dalla Corona spagnola tra il XVI e XIX secolo, si è mantenuta nel secondo dopoguerra. Tale caratteristica, frutto dei rapporti plurisecolari tra il paese andino e la penisola iberica, non è ancora diventata oggetto di interesse da parte degli storici di architettura. La ricerca ha tentato di colmare questa "lacuna" storiografica analizzando le modalità di migrazione della cultura moderna occidentale nel Novecento nella regione latino-americana. Al fine di comprendere la diffusione del modernismo in Perù, si sono innanzitutto analizzati gli storici rapporti tra Vecchio e Nuovo Continente, che hanno stabilito un'egemonia culturale europea e che hanno influenzato notevolmente i cambiamenti novecenteschi nella città di Lima. Successivamente, la ricerca si è focalizzata sullo studio dei progettisti europei più attivi in Perù, il tedesco Paul Linder, l'italiano Mario Bianco, lo svizzero Theodor Cron, le cui biografie documentano le motivazioni politiche, economiche e culturali di espatrio. Nonostante le molteplici esperienze peruviane di queste figure, nei campi della docenza universitaria, dell'urbanistica e della progettazione, la loro cospicua opera costruita resta l'influenza più incisiva sugli architetti locali. La loro eterogenea produzione progettuale presenta diversi casi di edifici riconducibili alla tipologia multipiano, la cui realizzazione ha agevolato l'introduzione di una nuova scala architettonica nel tessuto urbano di epoca vicereale. Sono dunque state indagate le circostanze economiche, politiche e culturali che hanno portato questi tecnici a progettare tali edifici nel centro storico di Lima, dalla emanazione della normativa in materia urbanistica, alla presenza di committenze e imprese costruttrici di origine europea. Gli edifici multipiano limegni rappresentano la materializzazione del progetto economico e politico messo a punto dal governo e dai suoi consulenti per il centro della capitale peruviana. Ad un periodo di auge e di ampio riconoscimento delle loro qualità architettoniche ne è seguito uno di obblio, durante il quale molte di queste costruzioni sono state ristrutturate, demolite o, nel migliore dei casi, abbandonate. Per questo motivo, sono stati indagati i temi della tutela, della conservazione e della valorizzazione del vasto patrimonio costruito nel XX secolo in Perù, con particolare riguardo agli edifici multipiano ideati da progettisti esteri e locali. L'approccio dell'indagine ha seguito un modus operandi che coniuga la ricerca archivistica e l'analisi delle fonti testuali, iconografiche e orali allo studio diretto degli edifici, caratterizzato dall'esame delle tecniche costruttive e dei materiali. Il progetto di co-tutela siglato tra Sapienza Università di Roma e l'Università della Svizzera Italiana è stato fondamentale al fine di inquadrare la ricerca nel quadro storiografico italiano e svizzero. ; This research studies the migration of Europeans to Lima between the 1930s and the late 1960s and analyses their influence on the evolution of architecture and urbanism in the Peruvian capital. The so-called Ciudad de los Reyes was the main administrative centre of the South American territories dominated by the Spanish Crown between the 16th and 19th centuries. The participation of Europeans in its urban planning has continued into the 20th century. This characteristic is the result of the centuries-old relations between the Andean country and the Iberian Peninsula and has not yet been a topic of interest for architectural historians. This research aims to fill this historiographical "gap" by analysing the channels through which Western modern culture migrated to the Latin American region. In order to understand the diffusion of modernism in Peru, firstly the historical relations between the Old and the New Continent have to be analysed. These relations have established an European cultural hegemony and have greatly influenced the changes of the last century in the city of Lima. Secondly, the research has focused on the study of the most active European architects and engineers in Peru. These are the German Paul Linder, the Italian Mario Bianco and the Swiss Theodor Cron, whose biographies document the political, economic and cultural motivations for their emigration. Despite the multiple Peruvian experiences of these figures in the fields of university teaching, urban planning and architectural design, their influence on local architects occurred mainly through their built work. Their heterogeneous design output includes examples of high-rise buildings whose construction has meant the introduction of a new architectural scale in the urban centre, originally mainly an example of the viceregal era. For this reason, the economic, political and cultural circumstances that led these architects to create such buildings have been investigated, from the emanation of urban norms to the participation of clients and construction companies of European origin. The high-rise buildings in Lima embody the economic and political project developed by the government and its advisors for the centre of the Peruvian capital. After a period of boom and widespread recognition, a period of neglect has followed in which many of these buildings have been remodelled, demolished or, in the best of cases, abandoned. For this reason, research has been carried out on the issues of protection, conservation and valorisation of the vast heritage built in the 20th century in Peru, with special attention to high-rise architecture designed by foreign and local architects. The approach of the present research has followed a modus operandi that combines the study of archives, textual, iconographic and oral sources with the direct analysis of buildings, characterised by the examination of construction techniques and materials. The co-supervision agreement signed between the Sapienza Università di Roma and the Università della Svizzera Italiana has been fundamental in giving the present work the Italian and Swiss historiographical framework. ; La presente investigación estudia la migración de europeos a Lima, entre los años 30 y finales de los 60, y analiza su influencia en la evolución urbana y arquitectónica de la capital peruana. La participación de europeos en el planeamiento urbano de la llamada Ciudad de los Reyes, principal centro administrativo de los territorios sudamericanos dominados por la Corona española entre los siglos XVI y XIX, se ha mantenido en el siglo XX. Esta característica, fruto de las relaciones seculares entre el país andino y la Península Ibérica, no ha sido aún tema de interés para los historiadores de la arquitectura. La investigación se propone llenar este "vacío" historiográfico analizando los canales a traves de lo cuales la cultura moderna occidental ha migrado hacia la región latinoamericana. Para entender la difusión del modernismo en el Perú se ha analizado en primer lugar las relaciones históricas entre el Viejo y el Nuevo Continente que han establecido una hegemonía cultural europea y que han influido en gran medida en los cambios del siglo pasado en la ciudad de Lima. Posteriormente, la investigación se ha focalizado en el estudio de los arquitectos e ingenieros europeos más activos en Perú, el alemán Paul Linder, el italiano Mario Bianco y el suizo Theodor Cron, cuyas biografías documentaron las motivaciones políticas, económicas y culturales de su emigración. A pesar de sus múltiples experiencias en Perú, en los campos de la enseñanza universitaria, el urbanismo y el diseño arquitectónico, su cuantiosa obra construida ha sido la influencia más importante en los arquitectos locales. Su heterogénea producción proyectual presenta ejemplos de edificios en altura, cuya construcción ha significado la introducción de una nueva escala arquitectónica en el casco urbano de época virreinal. Por ello, se ha investigado las circunstancias económicas, políticas y culturales que llevaron a estos diseñadores a crear tales edificios, desde la emanación de las normas urbanas, a la participación de los clientes y empresas constructoras, con particular atención a la presencia de inmigrantes europeos. Los edificios en altura limeños representan concretamente el proyecto económico y político desarrollado por el gobierno y sus asesores para el centro de la capital peruana. A un periodo de auge y de amplio reconocimiento ha seguido otro de olvido en el que muchas de estas construcciones han sido remodeladas, demolidas o, en el mejor de los casos, abandonadas. Por ello, se han investigado los temas de protección, conservación y valorización del vasto patrimonio construido en el siglo XX en Perú, con especial atención a las arqutitecturas en altura diseñadas por arquitectos extranjeros y locales. El enfoque de la presente investigación ha seguido un modus operandi que combina el estudio de archivos, fuentes textuales, iconográficas y orales con el analisis directo del edificio, caracterizado por el examen de las técnicas y los materiales de construcción. El acuerdo de co-supervisión firmado entre la Sapienza Università di Roma y la Università della Svizzera Italiana ha sido fundamental para dar al presente trabajo el marco historiográfico italiano y suizo.

This article is the result of the research advanced as a undergraduate alternative as a contribution to the APQUA hotbed of the PAME research group of the University of Boyacá. Modern architecture had a valuable participation in the process of dignification of popular housing in Colombia. Following the industrialization process that began in Colombia between the 1830s and 1850s (Major Mora, 2002), the problem of shortage and low housing quality for the popular sector intensified due to the migration of peasants to the city in search of job opportunities and high demand for labor. The Colombian State, before 1918, did not pay the required attention to this situation; precarious housing conditions and lack of hygiene directly affected families and the city. In the course of the research, in research into modern architecture in Colombia and the development and evolution of popular housing, it was found that, initially, it was Catholic religious communities and charities that cared about such a daunting landscape and began housing construction with a participatory social scheme, together with the beneficiaries , with designs that responded to the basic parameters of modern architecture in terms of lighting, ventilation, spaciousness and flexibility of spaces; these were the first decent homes for popular classes in the country. In the early 1920s, the government issued laws aimed at promoting the construction of popular housing under guidelines that applied modern basic parameters, which guaranteed the well-being of low-income families. These new housing projects were designed by Colombian architects who came to the country from Europe after finishing their studies there, influenced by the new trends of modern architecture. It was a time when the architect began to play a fundamental role in the development of Colombian cities. The application of the concepts of modern architecture in popular buildings configured hygienic, comfortable, flexible and progressive spaces, providing a dignified home to the working class, a victim until then of the forgetfulness of the state, which for a long time ignored their needs and rights. The popular dwelling, built with economic materials and applying the principles of lighting, ventilation and spaciousness of spaces, gave new hope and improved the conditions of a social class affected by the housing deficit; this takes a 180-degree turn to the situation, because from this moment on, modern architecture is no longer exclusively for the upper classes, but becomes a solution for various problems of the middle and lower classes. In the late 1960s, the state began to involve real estate companies in these popular housing projects, as it was expensive to design by renowned architects, who charged high sums of money for their work. In addition, budgets for these homes decreased, which discouraged many architects who wanted to generate quality, but for this it required a fair investment. In conclusion, that quality of popular housing that had been achieved thanks to the application of the parameters of modern architecture during the first half of the twentieth century, began to decrease progressively, gradually losing the achievements achieved. What happened in later years was the path to the current critical situation presented by housing of social interest. Since the creation of the National Housing System of Social Interest in 1991, composed of public and private entities, the family housing allowance was established, which meant a substantial change in the role of the State in solving the popular housing problem, since it went from being a promoter, to simply a market facilitator. The research envisages a comparison between popular housing influenced by modern architecture and today's social housing. Currently, housing regulations of social interest focus on the requirement of minimum dimensions of spaces with a defined destination; fundamental aspects of decent housing such as spatiality and indoor free areas, lighting and ventilation, landscape treatment in developments, communal facilities, access to public transport, among others, are no longer taken into account. What should be a right is now a privilege that, unfortunately, most people "benefited" with Social Interest Housing do not have. ; El presente artículo es resultado de la investigación adelantada como alternativa de grado como aporte al semillero de APQUA del grupo de investigación PAME de la Universidad de Boyacá. La arquitectura moderna tuvo una valiosa participación dentro del proceso de dignificación de la vivienda popular en Colombia. A raíz de la industrialización del país entre las décadas de 1830 y 1850 (Mayor Mora, 2002), el problema de escasez y baja calidad de la vivienda para el sector popular se intensificó debido a la migración de campesinos a la ciudad en busca de oportunidades laborales y a la alta demanda de mano de obra. Hasta antes de 1918, el Estado colombiano no prestó la atención requerida a esta situación; las condiciones precarias de las viviendas y la carencia de higiene afectaban directamente a las familias y a la ciudad En el transcurso de la investigación, al indagar sobre la arquitectura moderna en Colombia y sobre el desarrollo y evolución de la vivienda popular, se encontró que, inicialmente, fueron las comunidades religiosas católicas y las entidades de beneficencia las que se preocuparon ante el desalentador panorama, por lo que comenzaron las construcción de viviendas con un esquema social participativo, de manera conjunta con los beneficiados, con diseños que respondían a los parámetros básicos de la arquitectura moderna en cuanto a iluminación, ventilación, amplitud y flexibilidad de los espacios; estas fueron las primeras viviendas dignas para clases populares en el país. A inicios de la década de 1920, el Gobierno expidió leyes tendientes a promover la construcción de vivienda popular bajo lineamientos que aplicaban los parámetros básicos modernos, los cuales garantizaban el bienestar de las familias de ingresos bajos. Estos nuevos proyectos de vivienda fueron diseñados por arquitectos colombianos llegados al país desde Europa después de terminar allí sus estudios, influenciados por las nuevas tendencias de la arquitectura moderna. Fue un momento en el que el arquitecto comenzó a tener un rol fundamental en el desarrollo de las ciudades colombianas. La aplicación de los conceptos de la arquitectura moderna en construcciones populares dio como resultado espacios higiénicos, confortables, flexibles y progresivos, brindando una vivienda digna a la clase obrera, víctima hasta entonces del olvido del Estado, que por mucho tiempo pasó por alto sus necesidades y derechos. La vivienda popular, construida con materiales económicos y aplicando los principios de iluminación, ventilación y amplitud de espacios, dio nueva esperanza y mejoró las condiciones de una clase social afectada por el déficit de vivienda; esto da un giro de 180° a la situación, pues a partir de este momento, la arquitectura moderna ya no es exclusivamente para clases altas, sino que se convierte en una solución para diversas problemáticas de las clases media y baja. A finales de la década de 1960, el Estado empezó a involucrar compañías inmobiliarias en estos proyectos de vivienda popular, al resultarle costoso su diseño por parte de arquitectos reconocidos, que cobraban altas sumas de dinero por su trabajo. Adicionalmente, los presupuestos para estas viviendas disminuyeron, lo cual desalentó a muchos arquitectos que querían generar calidad, pero para ello se requería de una inversión justa. En conclusión, aquella calidad de las viviendas populares que se había alcanzado gracias a la aplicación de los parámetros de la arquitectura moderna durante la primera mitad del siglo XX, comenzó a disminuir progresivamente, perdiéndose poco a poco los logros alcanzados. Lo que ocurrió en años posteriores fue el camino a la crítica situación actual que presenta la vivienda de interés social. A partir de la creación del Sistema Nacional de Vivienda de Interés Social en 1991, integrado por entidades públicas y privadas, se estableció el subsidio familiar de vivienda, lo que significó un cambio sustancial en el papel del Estado en la solución de la problemática de vivienda popular, pues pasó de ser promotor, a ser simplemente un facilitador del mercado. La investigación contempla una comparación entre la vivienda popular influida por la arquitectura moderna y la vivienda de interés social de hoy. Actualmente, las normativas sobre vivienda de interés social se centran en la exigencia de dimensiones mínimas de los espacios con una destinación definida; dado que la norma no contempla aspectos fundamentales de una vivienda digna como la espacialidad y las áreas libres interiores, la iluminación y ventilación, el tratamiento paisajístico en las urbanizaciones, los equipamientos comunales, el acceso a transporte público, entre otros, estos aspectos no son ya tenidos en cuenta en los diseños. Lo que debería ser un derecho, ahora es un privilegio que, lamentablemente, la mayoría de las personas "beneficiadas" con Viviendas de Interés Social, no tienen.

This article focuses on the historical productive restructuring of the oases in the semi-arid region of Cuyo, in central-western Argentina, particularly in the provinces of Mendoza and San Juan. From the 1990s onward, as in various latitudes of the arid-South American diagonal, the famous slogan of "making the desert bloom" has found in the agro-export boom its new raison d'être. Several areas of oasis agriculture production, traditionally structured around a surface-water distribution network, have undergone an expansion of their agricultural frontiers through intensive exploitation of its aquifers. Through groundwater access and the systematic application of modern irrigation technologies, domestic and foreign investors converted land branded as "dry", "marginal" or "empty" into sources of profit. As a result, several oases are increasingly serving export markets and ultimately a global diet. In these dry environments, commodity flows, as either fresh or processed goods, depend of course on significant water supply. In the case of world wine capitals like Mendoza and San Juan, such rural dynamics go hand in hand with the commodification of the countryside for the tourist and real estate sectors. By exercising effective control over land and (mostly underground) water corporate actors contribute to the growing commoditization and enclosure of spaces of the arid piedmonts.In this work we propose an analytical conceptualization of the oases as built environments, historically constructed through intensive and systematic water management. But we also understand them as an epistemic and ontological approach, challenging the usual society/nature dualism, as produced natures (Smith, 1984; Moore, 2015). Although the most recent agro-export restructuring of the oases were carried out within the framework of the current neoliberal and corporate agro-food regime, we show that such transformations are the culmination of a long insertion in the development of capitalism as a world ecology (Moore, 2015; Walker and Moore, 2019). From this hybrid, cross-border, and relational perspective we trace how the logic of endless capital accumulation and the production of nature have been central to the region's history.Cuyo rivers originate in the snow-crested mountain range of the Cordillera de los Andes and flow toward the lower plains providing diverted water for five main oases developed on the piedmont. In this arid land with 100-350 mm of annual precipitation, no rain-fed agriculture is possible; water control is thus essential for the subsistence of the created and domesticated oasis ecosystems. The irrigation of the piedmont oases dates back to remote times but an important change in land use came in the colonial period when oasis economy was gradually modified in order to develop cattle fattening activities dependent on irrigated alfalfa, and complemented by wine production and subsistence crops. Another mayor revolution came in the late nineteenth century with the arrival of the railroad and a massive wave of Mediterranean migration. At the time, the provincial government and elite became active in a hydraulic mission by financing the expansion of a run-of-the-river irrigation system. This hydraulic mission goes hand and hand with a process of land and water commodification that results in the dispossession of native and peasant groups from their traditional land and water rights. Concomitantly, such massive hydraulic infrastructure has been at the core of a winegrowing and winemaking historical production model, supplemented by other fruit and vegetable crops. This model, which has been boosted by the growth in the domestic consumption of low-quality table wine, entered into absolute collapse in 1980. Since the late 1980s larger and better capitalized firms began a process that would become known as the reconversión of the Argentine wine industry. As the decade of the 1990s progressed, Mendoza's oases started arousing great interest from transnational investors. At the same time a restructuring process started to reveal its spatial consequences: while some areas were abandoned, others expanded. In particular, the expansion of the agricultural frontier was made possible by intensive aquifer exploitation in the context of loosely regulated groundwater management. Led by intensive, mainly large-scale and export-oriented projects, this conquest of the piedmont involved not only the high-quality wine-making sector but also the production of fruit, tree nuts, vegetables and olive oil. Former "marginal lands" were now in the sights of firms, who saw the peripheral areas of the oases as potentially highly profitable. With access to groundwater, corporate actors became disconnected and independent from the complex run-off-the-river irrigation system by irrigating their fields at their leisure. In particular, drip irrigation was used not only to overcome physical constraints in conquering the new space of production but also to optimize farming performance, guaranteeing quality and quantity. Many business groups, seeking to diversify their activities or finding stability in the face of financial market turbulence, have chosen to combine export wine production with other sources of profit, such as tourism and luxury real estate complexes.Our article is structured in three moments. Firstly, we propose an ontology of the concept of oasis through the thesis of the production of nature. We will give an account of different forms of internalisation of nature through production in general, for exchange, and finally through the circulation and accumulation of capital. Secondly, we develop a periodization of capitalism in its relation to the production, commercialization and consumption of food, resorting to the discussions on the so-called agro-food regimes. From this approach, we propose to reconstruct the fragmented spatial trajectory of the main oases of Cuyo from their pre-Hispanic origin to their articulation in three successive regimes: the diaspora-agro-export, the mercantile-industrial and the neoliberal corporate regimes. Thirdly, drawing on the concept of commodity frontiers we focus on three products for export-markets: wine, olive oil and pre-fried potatoes. Drawing upon these short examples and in resonance with the world ecology approach we will show that the oases as such represent a renewed attempt to expand, but also to maintain active commodity frontiers. We argue that strategies employed by investors to gain access to the land and water –or to maintain their initial business plans– may encounter obstacles, such as policy shifts, legal constraints or lack of economic openness. In other words, the commodity frontier is not always a worry-free process. Finally, this work aims to show that the relational processes embodied by such commodities and frontier-making not only transcend the Cartesian binary society/nature, but also make more complex the comfortable compartmentalisation between local and global processes. ; En las últimas décadas, los oasis de Mendoza y San Juan (Argentina) se transformaron dramáticamente al calor de reestructuraciones agro-exportadoras que se produjeron en el marco del actual régimen agro-alimentario corporativo neoliberal. Estos procesos no son sino la culminación de una larga trayectoria de inserción en el desarrollo del capitalismo como ecología-mundo. De este modo, nos proponemos, desde este enfoque híbrido, transfronterizo y relacional, reconstruir históricamente la fragmentaria trayectoria espacial de los principales oasis cuyanos desde su origen prehispánico hasta su articulación en tres regímenes agroalimentarios sucesivos. En segundo término, nos proponemos describir la reciente expansión de la frontera agrícola mediante el uso no controlado de reservas de agua subterráneas en el marco del último régimen. Evidenciamos los procesos relacionales que, a partir del enfoque de la ecología-mundo, están a la base de la producción y comercialización de tres mercancías emblemáticas en estos oasis: el vino, el aceite de oliva y la papa prefrita. La metodología que adoptamos estuvo destinada a describir las trayectorias históricas de los oasis recurriendo a una selección de fuentes documentales y bibliografía regional. Entre los principales hallazgos encontramos que el tercer régimen agroalimentario permitió a los oasis agro-industriales una nueva expansión de fronteras de mercancías. Esta se sustentó en la explotación sistemática del agua subterránea, hasta este momento esencialmente complementaria a la fuente superficial. En este marco neoliberal, la agricultura de precisión permite el control de las etapas claves del proceso productivo a partir de criterios estandarizados de demanda internacional de calidad y cantidad. Como conclusión, entendemos que el acceso a fuentes de Naturaleza barata (ya sea agua, suelos o trabajo humano) permitió no sólo la elaboración de mercancías apetecibles en exigentes mercados mundiales, sino que también reconfiguró el propio modelo de gestión del agua desde uno más estatalista y socialmente condicionado a uno más privatista, telecontrolado y autónomo. No obstante, estos procesos de expansión de la frontera de mercancías están condicionados por elementos locales propios de dinámicas socioecológicas preexistentes, por lo que esta frontera encuentra límites, a menudo, infranqueables.

Lake Chad is an oasis in the middle of the desert. It is a tropical lake whose active basin feeds largely on the waters of the Chari River and its main affluent, the Logone River. To a lesser extent, it receives contributions from the Komadougou Yobé, the Beid, the Yedseram and the Ngadda basins. The size of the lake is variable due to the fluctuations in the rainfall regime. Nearly one hundred million inhabitants rely on its waters for food. For several decades, its population has been suffering a hydric and humanitarian crisis that is the result of a combination of various factors. The purpose of this paper is to address this multidimensional problem from a hydrosocial perspective, focusing not only on environmental issues but also considering that water crises are the consequence of symbiotic relationships between human beings and nature. This political-ecological perspective suggests, in Swyngedouw's words, a close correlation between the transformations of, and in, the hydrological cycle at local, regional and global levels on the one hand and relations of social, economic and cultural power on the other (2009, p. 56). Thus considered, crises involve state structures and political decisions, geometries of power, economic and social relations of its inhabitants, and the relationship established between these factors and the environment. Therefore, this study does not consider the Lake Chad issue as the mere result of a natural desertification process or as a consequence of climate change, influenced or not by human action. Instead, we consider that this issue comprises multiple variables and actors that interact and influence each other, thus shaping the current situation of the region, which also involves four African states. Additionally, we will use the concept of "waterscape" to refer to "a landscape unity" resulting from the interaction between societies and their environment, which involves, therefore, "all social, economic, cultural and political processes through which nature is perceived and transformed by societies, as well as - in return - the influence of these environmental changes on societies" (Molle, 2012, p.220). In its current form, Lake Chad's waterscape shows a region suffering constant human displacements and insecurity due to the conflicts triggered by human migrations in search of new lands as a consequence of the desertification caused by changes in rainfall levels. These displacements are, in turn, influenced and aggravated by state action and state violence, and by the proliferation of various armed movements that leverage the situation to pursue their illicit activities linked to organized crime. The Lake Chad Basin is part of a circuit of trade routes established centuries ago by populations largely dependent on livestock and agriculture, who experienced periods of peaceful coexistence among them, and others not so peaceful. In modern times, this modus vivendi has been disrupted by droughts and desertification. Consequently, populations have moved from the most arid to the most humid regions, while confrontations between semi-nomadic populations or herders and sedentary populations have proliferated. In the basin states, these displacements soon led to violent clashes between herders and farmers over land use and access to water sources. In view of such a scenario, states have not acted effectively in order to stop violence. Since their independence, the Sahelian states have neglected the desert regions of their territories mainly because of the resistance of their inhabitants to bureaucratic state practices that affected their nomadic or semi-nomadic way of life. This is the reason why such regions never had access to the basic services or economic possibilities that were available at urban centers. Consequently, desert regions did not have access to health, education, basic health services or even safe drinking water. States have also failed to implement a land policy that ensures access to the resources that each sector needs in order to survive and prosper. The legal gaps regarding land tenure and the coexistence of several "legal categories" (such as reserves, communal land, vacant land, etc.) is a pervasive reality in this region, which reveals traditional coexistence mechanisms that are not in line with states' bureaucratic dynamics, sometimes clashing with them. The Lake Chad Basin states have not either been able to bring an end to the terrorist violence unleashed mainly by Boko Haram and Islamic State in West Africa Province (ISWAP). As a matter of fact, one of the main strategies for recruiting members and getting civilian support in the early days of Boko Haram had to do with the provision of basic health services and the opening of Koranic schools, trying to fill the gaps left by an absent state. Subsequently, Boko Haram resorted to forced recruitment, looting and widespread violence against the inhabitants of the cities and towns where it settled. The states' military response was channeled through the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) and various national or bilateral operations in the affected states. The MNJTF organized several boisterous operations –some of them successful, and others not so much- but managed to significantly reduce Boko Haram's area of influence. Taking the hydrosocial perspective into account, this paper seeks to analyze the variation in the rainfall level and its impact on the lake´s conditions; the historical and current population movements of the various ethnic groups inhabiting the region; the role of the region's inhabitants and the policies imposed on them by the four basin states; the state, communal and terrorist violence occurring in the area; and the link among these factors as determinants of the current regional crisis. ; El lago Chad es un oasis en medio del desierto. Se trata de un lago tropical cuya cuenca activa se alimenta principalmente de las aguas del río Chari y de su afluente el río Logone. Cerca de cien millones de habitantes viven de sus aguas. Desde hace varias décadas, su población atraviesa una situación de emergencia hídrica y humanitaria que es producto de una combinación de factores. Este artículo busca abordar esta problemática multidimensional desde la perspectiva hidrosocial que focaliza no solamente en las cuestiones ambientales, sino que considera que las crisis hídricas son resultado de las relaciones simbióticas entre el ser humano y la naturaleza. Esta perspectiva político-ecológica supone una estrecha relación entre las transformaciones en el ciclo hidrológico a nivel local, regional y global, de una parte, y las relaciones sociales, políticas, económicas y culturales de poder, de otra. Así considerado, las crisis involucran las estructuras estatales y las decisiones políticas, las geometrías de poder, las relaciones económicas y sociales de sus habitantes, y la relación que se establece entre estos factores y el medio ambiente. Por ello, este estudio no considera la cuestión del lago Chad como el mero resultado de un proceso natural de desertización o de cambio climático influenciado o no por la acción humana. Consideramos en cambio, que esta problemática está atravesada por múltiples variables y actores que interactúan y se influencian entre sí determinando la situación actual de la región, que en este caso, involucra además a cuatro estados africanos. Se utilizará asimismo el concepto de waterscape, entendiendo por ello "una unidad de paisaje", que es resultado de la interacción entre las sociedades y su ambiente. En su expresión actual, el waterscape del lago Chad muestra una región que sufre desplazamientos humanos constantes debido a los cambios en el régimen de lluvias, la falta de aguas y de pasturas, resultantes de la desertización. A su vez, este movimiento de pueblos provoca conflictos comunales entre ganaderos y agricultores por la posesión y el uso de la tierra. La falta de legislación y de una gestión estatal que contemple una adecuada política de tierras agrava la violencia cotidiana que, por otra parte, también se ve exacerbada por la violencia estatal a la hora de reprimir los enfrentamientos comunales. Desde hace casi dos décadas, la región ha visto la proliferación de diversos grupos armados que encuentran en esta situación una ocasión propicia para desarrollar sus actividades ilícitas vinculadas al crimen organizado. Teniendo en cuenta los lineamientos teóricos que hemos esbozado líneas arriba, en este artículo buscamos analizar la actual crisis del lago Chad como una crisis regional en la que se entremezclan factores ambientales, sociales y políticos. En este sentido, analizaremos la variación del régimen de lluvias y sus repercusiones sobre los estados del lago, los movimientos poblacionales históricos y actuales de las diversas etnias que habitan la región, el rol y las políticas impuestas para con habitantes por parte de los cuatro estados de la cuenca, la violencia estatal, comunal y terrorista que se verifica en la zona, y la vinculación entre estos factores como determinantes de la actual situación de la región.

The city has been the political unit of organization in the international system for long periods of history. As actors in international society, cities have left irreplaceable classics: Athens, Imperial Rome, the Hanseatic League or Machiavelli's Florence. However, the dominant school of thought has diminished the role of the city on the international scene. The Westphalian model consolidated the nation-state as the axis and macro-political unit object and subject of study. Following this logic, cities' capacity for international action was limited and, as a field of study, was reduced to cultural activities or of little diplomatic relevance (e.g. twin cities). This state-centered approach, both in theory and practice, finds its place in the legal approach over the political one in the development of international society and international relations theories. However, the global dynamic has changed substantially, and it opens the door to new structures or vectors of transnational analysis. The Westphalian system loses weight in the face of the concatenation of phenomena and transformations of international society. Taking this to be the case, the current international structure opens avenues of research in the international political activity of the city, diplomatic practice, global and economic hub relations, or the rise of city brands as a marketing strategy. Of course, the nation-state will not disappear in the short term, but it does seem that new actors and dynamics are emerging in the construction of the post-liberal order. Above all, the city emerges as a new point of reference for solving globalization problems: climate change, migrations, diversity, or identity. The effect is relevant to the epistemological bases of a transversal discipline: the city is incorporated as a reference subject in the reformulation of the general theory of International Relations. The consensus around the liberal order, born after 1945, has been broken. The current theoretical doctrine only agrees on one element: there is no new consensus on the foundations of the international system. The global architecture of institutions, the effective capacities for the exercise of power, the decline of multilateral practices, or the difficulty in establishing a common economic agenda are symptoms of a change in global power structures. With or without legitimacy, cities act in the international sphere with the aim of influencing, modifying knowledge, behavior, or judgment. In this context, the institutionalization of the city as an actor in international relations is one of the most relevant fields for studying the new organizing principle of international society. The city lacks the normative and institutional instruments, but it does promote principles that later become public policy practices that affect the international order. The theoretical approach emphasizes the economic aspects of the global city, since the economic and industrial capacity has reinforced the ability to influence the transformation of the international system. From a methodological point of view, urban cosmopolitanism is not a theory closed by the very diversity of global cities. Therefore, the areas of interest of each city can vary from one to the other, as well as the global action repertoire. Working in collaborative networks and alliances of a political and economic nature is facilitated. In its relationship with the State, the global city poses agency problems that are relevant to the future of theory: will they be cooperative or competitive? In what disciplines? The asymmetry of interests can deepen dissonances and accelerate the theoretical basis of development. The proposed methodology affects the impact of climate change on the reformulation of the theoretical bases of international studies. It is theorized from practice. The institutionalization of urban diplomacy refers to the search for practical solutions of a collective nature. There are networks such as C40, the Clean Air Coalition or We are Still In that are led and organized from urban practice. The climate issue gives moral strength to the city as an international actor insofar as it does not deal with political borders, but with the consequences of climate change on the lives of residents. It fits in with the cosmopolitan tradition insofar as it affects all individuals, without discrimination of origin, gender, or nationality; and it is a matter of universal status, because it impacts all territories and human life conditions. There is no arbitrariness in Anthropocene reason. The article studies the succession of changes in the international political structure before the reconfiguration of the sources of power. It establishes three aspects in the theoretical bases of urban cosmopolitanism. The first indicates what the foundations of a theoretical elaboration should be. The international city contributes to the reconfiguration of the structure and the exercise of interstate power by occupying or creating new spaces that contribute to the plurality of international relations. The second aspect analyzed is the growth of the city as a unit of measurement in the global economy. Capital flows circulate and operate on a local basis with global destinations. It is the cities and their metropolitan areas that benefit from the economic system. Large pockets of internal inequality appear and, above all, with a rupture between cities within and outside the economic order, including the relational inequality that is generated in the least populated territories. Finally, anthropogenic reason is stressed, that is, the impact of human action on natural conditions and its consequences on the world order. Climate change changes the main substrate of international relations, which is the physical environment and geography. On these two tangible dimensions, the bases of power and the basic theory of international studies are ordered. By changing the strategic board, the city conquers positions of non-coercive power, facilitating collaboration through networks and structures. The military and security aspect are not relevant to urban diplomacy, which focuses on aspects of economic and social power. The results indicate that the new cosmopolitanism has urban bases and offers a framework for interpreting the tensions between the center and the periphery of foreign action, economic globalization, and new public policies in the fight against climate change. Urban cosmopolitanism emerges as a theoretical reference in the post-liberal order. The present work seeks to establish the foundations of urban cosmopolitanism, a theoretical approach to the current world organized around urban areas, be they cities, megacities, or metropolitan regions. Cities have become structural axes of international society with consequences in the political, economic, and social spheres. There is no closed conclusion, a kind of theory that replaces the previous ones. On the contrary, urban cosmopolitanism aspires to reflect a change in the paradigm of international relations. Thus, climate change is a transforming element of the global scene and opens new avenues for international politics, which can end with a substantial change in the modes of government, representation, and citizen participation. Be that as it may, this first paper addresses difficulties, raises research questions, and supports elements for change. ; El artículo estudia la sucesión de cambios en la estructura política internacional ante la reconfiguración de las fuentes de poder. Establece tres vertientes en las bases teóricas del cosmopolitismo urbano. La primera indica cuáles deberían ser los fundamentos de una elaboración teórica. La ciudad internacional contribuye a la reconfiguración de la estructura y el ejercicio del poder interestatal ocupando o creando nuevos espacios que contribuyen a la pluralidad de las Relaciones Internacionales. El segundo aspecto que se analiza es el crecimiento de la ciudad como unidad de medida en la economía global. Los flujos de capital circulan y operan sobre una base local con destinos globales. Son las ciudades y sus extensiones metropolitanas quienes se benefician del sistema económico. Aparecen grandes bolsas de desigualdad interna y, sobre todo, con una ruptura entre ciudades dentro y fuera del orden económico, incluyendo aquí la desigualdad relacional que se genera en los territorios menos poblados. Por último, se incide en la razón antropocénica, esto es, el impacto de la acción humana en las condiciones naturales y sus consecuencias en el orden mundial. El cambio climático cambia el sustrato principal de las Relaciones Internacionales, que es el medio físico y la geografía. Sobre estas dos dimensiones tangibles, se ordenan las bases del poder y la teoría básica de los estudios internacionales. Al cambiar el tablero estratégico, la ciudad conquista posiciones de poder no coercitivo, lo que facilita la colaboración mediante redes y estructuras. El aspecto militar y de seguridad no es relevante para la diplomacia urbana, que se centra en aspectos de poder económico y social. Los resultados indican que el nuevo cosmopolitismo tiene bases urbanas y ofrece un marco de interpretación de las tensiones entre centro y periferia de la acción exterior, la globalización económica y las nuevas políticas públicas en la lucha contra el cambio climático. El cosmopolitismo urbano emerge como referencia teórica en el orden postliberal.

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It has been a very exciting year for social protection! In 2019, my weekly social protection links newsletter reviewed 1042 materials in 43 editions. So here is a personal selection of papers articulated around 10 major themes. Enjoy!

1. Economic and other long-term effects

Daidone et al have a great article summarizing and explaining the economic effects of cash transfers in 7 African countries. Egger et al add another precious data point on the multiplier effects of cash transfers (I counted 12 such points for the moment): in Kenya, every $ injected generates $2.6 in the local economy.

Blattman et al show that after 5 years, a one-off cash grants in Ethiopia has fading effects. Similarly, in Malawi Baird et al estimate that the impact on reduced fertility of an unconditional cash transfers on adolescent girls rapidly vanished.

In Mexico, after 20 years of operations cash transfers ex-beneficiaries showed higher ownership of durable assets (Aguilar et al); 49.2% of them experienced upward mobility (Yaschine et al); they grew 2.8-4.1cm taller and have 5.3-5.7 more years of schooling than their parents (Gutierrez et al), with enrollment in secondary school increasing by 5-10 percentage points over grades 7-12 (Behrman et al). A 10-country review by Millan et al found that the evidence is strong on school completion, more mixed on learning, and limited on employment. Another paper by Millan et al estimate that 13 years after its inception, transfers in Honduras increased secondary education completion by 50%, but also rose the chance of migration by 3-7 percentage points.

2. Health, nutrition and education

Klein et al show that cash transfer participants in Buenos Aires showed higher success rates against tuberculosis (TB); yet Rudgard et al estimate that making transfers "TB-sensitive" would require an additional budget between $165M and $298M per country. Choko et al showed that in Malawi cash plus HIV self-test kits increased HIV anti-retroviral therapy compared to other solutions. Palermo et al find that in Ghana, combining cash and health measures increased enrolment in health insurance in the treatment group from an average of 37.4% to 46.6%.

In Ecuador, Moncayo et al show that a 1% increase in the coverage of cash transfers decreases mortality from malnutrition by about 3%. In Nigeria, Okeke and Abubakar estimate that cash reduced mortality of children in utero by at least 20%. Celhay et al found that cash increased the survival rates of birth cohorts exposed to the program by up to 14.7%. and Dow et al find that in the US, a 10% increase in the Earned Income Tax Credit or in the minimum wage reduces suicides between 3.6 and 5.5%.

In Ghana, Gelli et al found that the national school meals program improved stunting among children of 5-8 years (effect size: 0.12 standard deviations). Neufeld et al on the history of nutrition evidence on cash transfers in Mexico. And a paper by Evans and Yuan shows that girl-targeted versus general interventions in education seem to deliver similar gains, including featuring cash transfers both at the top and bottom among the most effective interventions.

3. Gender

Peterman et al summarize the impacts of safety nets on gender in Africa: safety nets perform well in reducing physical violence as well as improving psychological well-being, dietary diversity and savings. But changes in labor force participation are minimal. In terms of toolkits, FAO produced great guidelines on gender-sensitive cash transfers and public works.

A review of evidence on social assistance and intimate partner violence (IPV) by Hidrobo and Roy shows reductions in physical violence between 25-41% in Bangladesh, Ecuador, and Mali. Another brief by Heise summarizes results from 22 studies across 13 countries.

4. Crime

Tuttle shows that banning convicted drug felons from SNAP food stamps in the United States makes them more likely to return to jail. Sviatschi estimates that in Peru, cash transfers reduced drug production. And in Brazil, Machado et al find that Bolsa reduced homicide rate and hospitalizations due to violence by 8-25%.

5. Crises

Barca and Beazley estimate that it takes between 2 weeks to 14 months to scale up social protection in response to natural disasters. Bruck et al show that a new generation of 7 high-quality evaluations sheds light on social protection in fragile and displacement settings. Cherrier et al produced an excellent compendium on humanitarian-social protection linkages, while Seyfert et examine the trade-offs of integrating refugees into national safety nets.

6. Universality and targeting

A new book by Gentilini et al offers a framework to navigate the analytics, evidence and practices on universal basic income (UBI), while Banerjee et al discuss how UBI may address barriers like lack of credit, insurance or psychological factors among low-income people. Jolliffe et al show that SNAP, the American "floor for the poorest", has been sinking over the past 30 years.

ILO and UNICEF have an overview note on "universal" child grants present in 21 countries, while Kidd and Athias offer a critique of proxy means testing. In Indonesia, Tohari et al estimates that the poverty-based unified database of beneficiaries improved the chance of participating in 3 core programs by 117%, while Bah et al estimate that if all households were included in such database undercoverage would be reduced by one-third. Bonus: Ndiaye et al trace the evolution of the national social registry in Senegal.

7. Insurance and labor markets

Packard et al examines how social protection could be adapted to the changing nature of work, while Jorgensen and Siegel unveil social risk management 2.0. Guven shows that in Africa only 10.6% of Africa's working-age population contributes to pension schemes. The ILO has a fascinating "living document" laying out a number of options disaggregated by occupation.

A review of minimum wages in high-income countries by Dube finds "… muted effect of minimum wages on employment, while significantly increasing the earnings of low paid workers". However, a new compilation of evidence on minimum wage in low and middle-income countries by Neumark and Corella finds that "… when minimum wages are binding and enforced, and when they apply to vulnerable workers, the disemployment effects are most apparent".

8. Tech and financial inclusion

Gelb and Mukherjee take stock of lessons from India's biometric ID (Aadhaar) in providing inclusive services; Masino and Nino-Zarazua show that transitioning to electronic cash payments in Mexico increased households' access to formal financial services. In South Africa, however, Torkelson documents abuses in using cash transfers as loan collateral by a financial company delivering cash itself.

9. Political economy

Hickey et al have an amazing open-access book on the political economy of cash transfers in Africa. Mosec and Mo found that in Pakistan those receiving BISP cash transfers increased support for their political leaders and institutions, while in typhoon-hit Fiji Rios et al show that people receiving cash transfers are up to 20% more likely to be very satisfied with the government than non-recipients. In Brazil and Turkey, Zucco et al show that conditional transfers are only marginally more popular than similar unconditional transfers. Ciminelli et al find that reforms generating large short-term adverse distributional effects are associated with electoral costs for politicians. In Mexico, Cantu documents that cash-vouchers to be used in local supermarkets were provided in exchange for electoral support.

10. Cash plus and cash versus….

In Bihar, Khemani et al asked whether people prefer cash or other services: only 13% chose cash instead of spending on public health and nutrition; in contrast, if cash came in lieu of improving roads, preference for cash rose to 35% (see counter views). In Mozambique, De Walque and Valente compare the effects of a conditional cash transfer program with the sole provision of information to parents on school attendance: information provision is as large as 75% of the effect of the CCT.

Two papers – one on Ghana by Banerjee et al and another on Uganda by Sedlmayr et al – points to the power of combining cash transfers with assets and complementary measures (as opposed to individual components). Also, Carneiro et al evaluate an integrated cash program for 3,600 mothers in Northern Nigeria: after 2-4 years, the program reduced stunting by 8%. Bonus: Bedoya et al show that a package of transfers and assets in Afghanistan increased consumption by 30% and poverty fell from 82 to 62%.

















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Ugo Gentilini
Global Lead for Social Assistance, World Bank
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La question du redéploiement économique de la Wallonie est lancinante depuis des décennies. Alors que les niveaux de développement des territoires qui la composent sont très inégaux, cette problématique est généralement abordée sur la base d'une division de la Belgique en trois régions et traitée via des moyennes globales et des tendances générales. Dans une recherche présentée par le Courier hebdomadaire du CRISP, une équipe de chercheurs du Service de géographie économique et du Lepur de l'Université de Liège a tenté de dépasser cette lecture en analysant la situation économique de la Wallonie à travers des analyses géo-économiques multi-échelles. Ces analyses ont pris en compte de l'économie productive, via la capacité des firmes à générer de la valeur ajoutée et à exporter des biens et des services, mais aussi l'économie présentielle. La notion d'économie présentielle renvoie à l'impact sur l'économie locale de revenus générés ailleurs, grâce à des migrations pendulaires de travail, grâce à des pensions de retraite, grâce à des prestations sociales mais aussi grâce aux personnes qui dépensent sur un territoire sans y être domiciliées (les touristes, mais également les navetteurs et les étudiants non-résidents). La différenciation entre économie productive et économie présentielle vise à intégrer la disjonction spatiale croissante entre les lieux de production où les revenus sont générés et les lieux de consommation où les revenus sont dépensés. Le travail des chercheurs de l'Université de Liège a mis en exergue des cercles, tantôt vertueux tantôt vicieux, qui conduisent à renforcer des disparités sous-régionales déjà très contrastées. En termes d'économie productive, cela les a notamment conduit à distinguer sept grands ensembles territoriaux. Ces ensembles aux superpositions partielles et aux limites floues sont les suivants : le Triangle wallon, la conurbation du Hainaut de tradition industrielle, la région liégeoise, la Wallonie picarde, l'Entre-Vesdre-et-Meuse, la Wallonie des faibles densités et le Sud-Luxembourg. Du point de vue de l'économie productive, le Triangle wallon est de loin l'ensemble territorial le plus dynamique, avec en son cœur le Brabant wallon. Grâce à son intégration dans la zone métropolitaine de Bruxelles, dont il s'autonomise de plus en plus, ce territoire bénéficie de puissantes économies d'agglomération qui, conjuguées à son attractivité résidentielle, en font un lieu où économie productive et économie résidentielle se renforcent mutuellement dans une logique de cercle vertueux. À l'instar de la périurbanisation bruxelloise, le dynamisme productif du Brabant wallon tend aujourd'hui à se diffuser, tant vers le Hainaut que vers la province de Namur, où de petites villes comme Soignies, Seneffe ou Gembloux assurent un rôle de relais. Ce mouvement s'accompagne d'une croissance du développement d'activités indépendantes diverses et de la création de nombreuses PME, souvent de très petite taille. À plus longue distance de Bruxelles, ce dynamisme trouve un relais mais aussi une limite au niveau de Namur. La grande hétérogénéité qui marque le développement territorial en Wallonie pose question vis-à-vis d'une gouvernance généralement mise en œuvre de manière homogène à l'échelle régionale. Cela pousse à s'interroger sur l'opportunité d'une spatialisation et spécialisation plus détaillée de ces politiques, en les ajustant plus finement aux forces et faiblesses des ensembles territoriaux identifiés. Par exemple, vu la faiblesse des économies d'agglomération qui caractérise la Wallonie des faibles densités, il ne semble pas opportun de mobiliser des moyens publics importants afin d'y initier des projets de type métropolitain. Tout indique que les résultats attendus ne seront pas au rendez-vous, comme l'illustrent divers projets de centres de congrès ou de parcs d'activités dédiés à la logistique ou à des entreprises à forte composante technologique. Plutôt que de chercher à imiter les logiques métropolitaines, ces territoires ont donc intérêt à identifier des avantages différenciatifs qui permettraient de soutenir des domaines susceptibles de bénéficier d'une « innovation décentralisée » tels que les productions liées au terroir (pratiques agricoles), à la production énergétique ou aux ressources locales (pierre, terre, bois, services présentiels). La Wallonie des faibles densités ne correspond toutefois en rien à une « Wallonie du vide » et il faut continuer à miser sur son économie présentielle basée sur le tourisme. En parallèle, afin d'amplifier leur potentiel structurant à l'échelle locale, ses polarités les plus dynamiques mériteraient d'être accompagnées en termes d'aménagement, de mobilité et d'offres de services. Des politiques mieux individualisées mériteraient également d'être menées pour redéployer les bassins de tradition industrielle avec, en premier lieu, la conurbation du Hainaut de tradition industrielle. Cet espace s'étend du Borinage jusqu'à l'est de l'agglomération carolorégienne, sur une cinquantaine de kilomètres de long et sur une vingtaine de kilomètres de large. Son peuplement est estimé à plus de 700 000 habitants, soit près de 20 % de la population wallonne. Les faibles niveaux de revenus qui caractérisent la conurbation du Hainaut de tradition industrielle sont indissociables d'indicateurs défavorables pour la part de diplômés de l'enseignement supérieur, pour l'intensité de l'entreprenariat et pour le décrochage scolaire. Au regard des structures sociales héritées des déclins industriels, il semble peu réaliste d'espérer un redressement à court terme (une génération) de cet ensemble. Un redressement sur le moyen-long terme (plusieurs générations) est envisageable, mais à la condition d'y briser les cercles vicieux du déficit d'attractivité et d'y atténuer les effets de lieu responsables de la reproduction intergénérationnelle de la précarité. Dans cette perspective, la stratégie du soutien à l'économie résidentielle apparaît sans doute prioritaire à la stratégie du soutien à l'économie productive. Dans la conurbation du Hainaut de tradition industrielle, la sélectivité spatiale justifie de miser sur les deux grands pôles de Mons et de Charleroi. Vu les volumes de population qu'ils concentrent, l'on peut penser que leurs économies d'agglomération permettent d'y assurer le développement de l'économie productive. Dans le champ de l'économie productive, centraliser les moyens sur les lieux qui concentrent les populations et les activités conduit à renforcer les effets de levier, c'est-à-dire à optimaliser l'efficacité des politiques publiques. En région liégeoise, les communes paupérisées anciennement industrialisées semblent devoir être aidées sur le même modèle que dans le Hainaut de tradition industrielle, afin d'y renforcer l'attractivité et afin d'y réduire les effets de lieu. Par ailleurs, après le Brabant wallon, Liège est la deuxième zone de Wallonie en termes d'économies d'agglomération, comme l'illustrent notamment les développements dans l'aéronautique et dans les biotechnologies. Pour Liège, les économies d'agglomération tiennent à la taille du bassin d'emplois, aux niveaux de formation des populations et également aux aménités urbaines. En conséquence, l'économie productive doit également y être soutenue, dans la perspective de renforcer la métropolisation émergente qui caractérise la ville centrale et certaines de ses périphéries. Bien que situés à deux extrémités géographiques de la Wallonie, le quatrième et le cinquième ensemble présentent des similitudes. Il s'agit de la Wallonie picarde et de l'Entre-Vesdre-et-Meuse (y compris le nord de la Communauté germanophone). Ces deux zones sont spécialisées dans les secteurs de l'agro-alimentaire et de la distribution-logistique. Vis-à-vis des territoires voisins, les deux ensembles se caractérisent par une population à la culture entrepreneuriale plus développée. Même si les économies d'agglomération y sont moins prégnantes qu'en Brabant wallon ou qu'en région liégeoise, il en résulte des bases productives étoffées. Il s'agit là d'une observation encourageante qui montre que, en Wallonie comme ailleurs, de bonnes performances économiques demeurent possibles en dehors des métropoles. Pour les deux ensembles de la Wallonie picarde et de l'Entre-Vesdre-et-Meuse, l'intérêt des pôles de compétitivité Wagralim et Logistics in Wallonia est à souligner. En effet, les appels à projets successifs initiés depuis le premier Plan Marshall semblent avoir contribué à renforcer l'intégration de ces deux régions au reste de l'économie wallonne. Il est utile de poursuivre dans cette voie, afin que la culture entrepreneuriale qui les caractérise puisse être soutenue par les institutions en R&D du Triangle wallon et de la région liégeoise. À l'inverse de la Wallonie picarde et de l'Entre-Vesdre-et-Meuse, l'économie productive apparaît amorphe dans le Sud-Luxembourg. Cette déficience de l'entreprenariat est vraisemblablement induite par l'attractivité des avantages fiscaux que le Grand-Duché voisin propose aux entreprises et aux travailleurs, avec un véritable effet « aspirateur » à la création d'activités. Il en résulte une configuration singulière avec, d'un côté, une économie productive aux caractéristiques similaires aux parties les moins dynamiques du Hainaut et, d'un autre côté, des niveaux de revenus médians et de diplomation de l'enseignement supérieur proches du Brabant wallon. Pour l'ensemble territorial du Sud-Luxembourg, une amélioration significative de la situation doit venir d'une réflexion collaborative menée à l'échelle de la zone métropolitaine luxembourgeoise. ; Peer reviewed

Rapid urbanization with limited development has led to slum proliferation in many sub-Saharan African cities. Slums are recognized as a menace to planned cities, as they do not conform to planning standards, thus the need to curb their growth. However, this proves to be a challenge for many of these cities due to unavailability of data on the existing situation. It is against this background that this study aims to contribute ground information and a spatial planning tool to support urban planning to better manage slum formation in Lagos, Nigeria. Slum growth can be described as spatial or as population growth; hence this study first analyzed and quantified the spatial growth of slums in Lagos using remote sensing techniques and intensity analysis. Then the influence of residential choices of slum dwellers on population growth in Lagos slums was assessed using ethnographic survey approach through questionnaires and focus group discussions. An urban growth model coupling logistic regression with modified cellular automata SLEUTH was used to simulate scenarios of the patterns of slum development in Lagos by 2035. RapidEye imagery from 2009 and 2015 was used to create maps for each time point for six land-use categories (water, vegetated area, open space, road, slum, and other urban) in the study area. Intensity analysis was applied to quantify the annual intensity of changes at the category and transition level. An overall accuracy (and kappa coefficient) of 94% (0.9) and 89% (0.86) was achieved for the 2009 and 2015 land-use and land-cover maps. The results of this study show that slums in Lagos increased spatially between 2009 and 2015 gaining a land area of 9.14 km 2 influenced by in-migration. However, the intensity analysis reveals slum as an active land-use category, losing some of its land area but also gaining new land area during this period. The annual gain and loss was 10.08% and 6.41%, respectively, compared to the uniform intensity of 3.15%. A systematic process of transition was observed between slums and other urban areas and open space in the interval studied, and this process was mainly influenced by the Lagos state government. The transition from slum to other land-use categories, such as other urban, is attributed to gentrification and demolition processes, while the transition from other land-use categories to slum is due to poor maintenance of existing buildings and encroachment on available spaces in the city. Questionnaires administration and focus group discussion were conducted in four communities (Ajegunle, Iwaya, Itire and Ikorodu) in Lagos to investigate the factors influencing the residential choices and reasons of the people to remain in the Lagos slums. Descriptive statistics was used to analyze and describe the factors influencing the residential location choice, and logistic regression was applied to determine the extent to which the neighborhood and household attributes influence slum dwellers' decisions to remain in the slums. Over 70% of the respondents were migrants from neighboring geopolitical zones (in Nigeria). The movement patterns of slum dwellers in Lagos support two theories of human mobility in slums: slum as a sink and slum as a final destination. Also, the factors that attracted most of the slum dwellers to the slums (cheap housing, proximity to work, etc.) differ from those that made them stay (duration of stay, housing status, etc.). A hybrid land-use model, which involves the coupling of logistic regression with cellular automata SLEUTH, implemented in XULU, was utilized for the simulation of scenarios of slum growth in Lagos. The scenarios were designed based on the modification of the exclusion layer and the transition rules. The scenario 1 was business as usual with slum development similar to the present trend. The scenario 2 was based on the future population projection for the city, while the scenario 3 was based on limited interference by the government in slum development in the city. Distance to markets, shoreline, and local government administrative buildings, and land prices, etc., were predictors of slum development in Lagos. An overall accuracy of 79.17% and a relative operation characteristics (ROC) value of 0.85 were achieved for the prediction of slum development, based on the logistic regression model. The probability map generated from fitting the coefficients of the estimates in the logistic regression shows that slums can develop within the city and at the fringe, and also in places mostly inaccessible to the Lagos state government. Scenarios 1, 2 and 3 predict that the slum area will increase by 1.18 km 2 , 4.02 km 2 and 1.28 km 2 , respectively, in 2035 through further densification of the existing slums and new development at the south-eastern fringe of the city. The limited growth is due to the high population density in the city, and thus it is assumed that new slums will probably develop in the neighboring cities due to spill over of the Lagos population. The outcome of this research shows that the landscape is very dynamic in Lagos, and even over an interval of a few years, changes can be observed. It also shows that the integration of remote sensing, social science method and spatially explicit land-use model can address the challenges of data availability in the slum dynamic, especially in sub-Saharan African countries with high slum proliferation. This can support a comprehensive set of techniques important for the management of existing slums and prevention of new slum development. ; Reduzierung des Slumwachstums in der Megastadt Lagos: Ein integrierter Ansatz aus Fernerkundung und urbanem Wachstumsmodell Eine schnelle Urbanisierung bei begrenzter Entwicklung hat in vielen afrikanischen Städten südlich der Sahara zu einer Zunahme von Slums geführt. Slums werden dabei als Bedrohung für die Planstädte angesehen, da sie nicht den Planungsstandards entsprechen, ihr Wachstum sollte daher reduziert werden. Dies erweist sich jedoch für viele dieser Länder als Herausforderung, da keine Daten über die aktuelle Situation vorliegen. Vor diesem Hintergrund zielt diese Studie darauf ab, Informationen und ein Raumplanungsinstrument zur Unterstützung der Stadtplanung zur Verfügung zu stellen, dies soll ein besseres Management der Slumbildung in Lagos, Nigeria ermöglichen. Slumwachstum kann als räumliches Wachstum, oder als Wachstum der Bevölkerung bezeichnet werden; daher hat diese Studie zunächst das räumliche Wachstum von Slums in Lagos mit Hilfe von Fernerkundungstechniken und Intensitätsanalysen analysiert und quantifiziert. Anschließend wurde der Einfluss der Wohnortwahl von Slumbewohnern auf das Bevölkerungswachstum in den Slums von Lagos mit Hilfe eines ethnographischen Erhebung Ansatzes bewertet. Dabei kamen Fragebögen und Fokusgruppendiskussionen zum Einsatz. Ein urbanes Wachstumsmodell, das die logistische Regression mit dem modifizierten zellulären Automaten SLEUTH koppelt, wurde verwendet, um Szenarien und Strukturen der Slumentwicklung in Lagos bis 2035 zu simulieren. RapidEye-Datenaus den Jahren 2009 und 2015 wurden verwendet, um Karten zu jeden Zeitpunkt für sechs Landnutzungskategorien (Wasser, Vegetationsflächen, Freiflächen, Straßen, Slum und andere städtische Gebiete) zu erstellen. Mit Hilfe der Intensitätsanalyse wurde die jährliche Intensität der Veränderungen hinsichtlich der Kategorien und Veränderungstypen quantifiziert. Für die Landnutzungs- und Bodenbedeckungskarten 2009 und 2015 wurde eine Gesamtgenauigkeit (und ein Kappa-Koeffizient) von 94 % (0,9) und 89 % (0,86) erreicht. Die Ergebnisse dieser Studie zeigen, dass die Slums in Lagos zwischen 2009 und 2015 räumlich gewachsen sind und durch Zuzug eine Landfläche von 9,14 km 2 erreicht haben. Die Intensitätsanalyse zeigt auch, dass der Slums in Lagos als aktive Landnutzungskategorie einen Teil ihrer Fläche im Beobachtungszeitraum verloren haben. Der jährliche Gewinn und Verlust betrug 10,08 % bzw. 6,41 % im Vergleich zur einheitlichen Intensität von 3,15 %. Ebenfalls wurde ein systematischer Prozess des Übergangs zwischen Slums und anderen städtischen Gebieten sowie Freiraum in der untersuchten Zeitspanne beobachtet. Dieser Prozess wurde hauptsächlich von der Regierung von Lagos beeinflusst. Der Übergang von Slum zu anderen Landnutzungskategorien, wie zum Beispiel andere städtische Gebiete ist auf Gentrifizierung und Abrissprozesse zurückzuführen, während der Übergang von anderen Landnutzungskategorien hin zu Slums auf eine schlechte Instandhaltung bestehender Gebäude und auf die Beeinträchtigung der verfügbaren Flächen in der Stadt zurückzuführen ist. In vier Gemeinden (Ajegunle, Iwaya, Itire and Ikorodu) in Lagos wurden Umfragen mit Fragebögen und Fokusgruppendiskussionen durchgeführt, um die Faktoren zu untersuchen, welche die Wahl des Wohnortes beeinflussen, und um zu untersuchen, warum die Menschen in den Slums von Lagos bleiben. Mit Hilfe der deskriptiven Statistik wurden die Faktoren analysiert und beschrieben, die die Wahl des Wohnortes beeinflussen, und mit Hilfe der logistischen Regression wurde ermittelt, inwieweit die Nachbarschafts- und Haushaltsattribute die Entscheidung der Slumbewohner, in den Slums zu bleiben, beeinflussen. Über 70 % der Befragten waren Migranten aus benachbarten geopolitischen Zonen (Lagos). Die Bewegungsmuster der Slumbewohner in Lagos unterstützen zwei Theorien der menschlichen Mobilität in Slums: Der Slum als Senke oder Endziel. Auch die Faktoren, die die meisten Slumbewohner in die Slums lockten (günstiger Wohnraum, Nähe zum Arbeitsplatz usw.), unterscheiden sich von denen, die sie am Ende zum Bleiben brachten (Aufenthaltsdauer, Wohnstatus usw.). Ein hybrides Landnutzungsmodell, das eine Kopplung der logistischen Regression mit den zellulären Automaten SLEUTH in XULU verbindet, wurde für die Simulation von Szenarien des Slumwachstums in Lagos bis zum Jahr 2035 verwendet. Die Szenarien wurden mittels der Ausschlussflächen und Wachstumskoeffizienten implementiert. Das Szenario 1 "business as usual" simulierte eine Slumentwicklung ähnlich dem aktuellen Trend. Das Szenario 2 basierte auf der generellen Bevölkerungsprognose für die Stadt, während das Szenario 3 eine begrenzte Einmischung der Regierung auf die Slumentwicklung in der Stadt einbezieht. Die Entfernung zu Märkten, Verwaltungseinrichtungen, Küsten sowie die Grundstückspreisen usw. waren Antriebskräfte für die Entwicklung der Slums in Lagos. Für die Vorhersage der Slum-Entwicklung auf Basis des logistischen Regressionsmodells wurden eine Gesamtgenauigkeit von 79,17 % und einem Receiver-Operating-Characteristic-Wert (ROC) von 0,85 erreicht. Die Wahrscheinlichkeitskarte, die durch die Anpassung der Koeffizienten und der Schätzungen in der logistischen Regression erzeugt wurde, zeigt, dass sich Slums innerhalb der Stadt und in der Peripherie entwickeln können, aber auch an Orten, die dem Einfluss der Landesregierung von Lagos weitgehend entzogen sind. Szenarien 1, 2 und 3 prognostizieren, dass das Slumgebiet bis 2035 durch weitere Verdichtung der bestehenden Slums und Neuentwicklung am südöstlichen Stadtrand um 1,18 km 2 , 4,02 km 2 bzw. 1,28 km 2 zunehmen wird. Das relativ begrenzte Wachstum ist auf die hohe Bevölkerungsdichte in der Stadt zurückzuführen, so dass davon ausgegangen wird, dass sich in den Nachbarstädten durch das Verlagern der Lagos-Bevölkerung neue Slums entwickeln werden Das Ergebnis dieser Disertation zeigt, dass die Stadtlandschaft in Lagos sehr dynamisch ist, Veränderungen können selbst über einen Zeitraum von nur wenigen Jahren beobachtet werden. Die Ergebnisse zeigen auch, dass eine Integration von Fernerkundung, sozialwissenschaftlicher Methoden und räumlich explizites Landnutzungsmodells das Problem der geringen Datenverfügbarkeit in dynamischen Slums lösen kann. Dies ist besonders hilfreich in afrikanischen Ländern südlich der Sahara mit hoher Slum,proliferation. Umfassende Techniken des Slum-Managements, insbesondere zur Verhinderung der Entstehung von neuen Slums, können so wirksam unterstützt werden.