Suchergebnisse

This article seeks to describe the first findings of the research process described, focusing its construction and development in the narratives of social workers of the time (1973-1990), the notion of memory, power and resistance, clandestine social work and organizations related to the defense of human rights. Therefore, it is intended to identify in memory a space of resistance focused on social transformation, recognizing the historical relevance of the voices that played a leading role from social work and clandestine spaces of intervention, the military dictatorship established by Augusto Pinochet in Chile. ; El presente artículo busca describir los primeros hallazgos del proceso de investigación descrito, enfocando su construcción y desarrollo en los relatos de las trabajadoras sociales de la época (1973– 1990), la noción memoria, poder y resistencia, el trabajo social clandestino y organizaciones relacionadas con la defensa de los derechos humanos. Por lo tanto, se pretende identificar en la memoria un espacio de resistencia enfocado en la transformación social, reconociendo la relevancia histórica de las voces que protagonizaron desde el trabajo social y clandestinos espacios de intervención, la dictadura militar instaurada por Augusto Pinochet en Chile.

The argument of this paper is that the emergence of military dictatorships, such as the Brazilian regime of 1964, is not caused by an economic crisis of dependent capitalist development. Rather, it results from a polarization and radicalization of the democratic regime by which it is preceded. Democracies handed down from above, like that in Brazil and other South American democracies, lend themselves to polarization and radicalization. They therefore favor the emergence of modern forms of autocracy.

'Der Sudan ist ein Beispiel für den drohenden Staatszerfall als Folge eines (langfristig gescheiterten) Versuchs der Errichtung einer autoritären bis totalitären zentralistischen Staatsform, die es weder verstand, regionale Interessen und Klasseninteressen auszugleichen, noch integrativ auf unterschiedliche Ideologien, 'ethnische Gruppen', tribale Einheiten und Religionsgemeinschaften zu wirken. Ziel des Beitrages ist es nicht nur, die Ursachen und Entwicklungen des jahrzehntelangen bewaffneten Konfliktes im Sudan zu untersuchen, sondern auch, parastaatliche Akteure als solche zu analysieren und in einen regionalen Kontext einzubinden. Dabei wird der Bürgerkrieg im Sudan, entgegen dem in Europa weit verbreiteten Mythos von einem Krieg zwischen islamischen NordsudanesInnen und christlichen SüdsudanesInnen, auch mit Blick auf seine ökonomischen und machtpolitischen Aspekte untersucht. Sowohl die verschiedenen Gruppen der südsudanesischen Guerilla SPLA, die im Darfur (Westsudan) aktiven SLA und JEM wie auch die Partei- und Stammesmilizen auf Regierungsseite sind dabei als parastaatliche Akteure zu behandeln.' (Autorenreferat)

Our situation is a nightmare that doesn't end because we can't even return the house. We wanted to die of shame the day we had to take out our things under the threat of legal seizure. It was humiliating, we felt like thieves. But I know it's not ourfault. It's the fault of an unfair system. The government ought to admit it, to say frankly that it doesn't want the middle class to have houses [HOY, October 28, 1985, No. 432J

The political and economic crises faced today, evidenced by the manifestos of political parties and the texts published in social networks and in the press, point to Brazilian society the possibility of different directions, including that of an autocratic regime, with the return of the military to the public sphere. This article discusses the movements of acceptance and resistance to the military regime that was implemented in Brazil with the coup of 1964. It is observed that the military uprising received at that time the support of a large part of the Brazilian population, which sought ways to maintain its socioeconomic status to the detriment of a majority that perceived itself vulnerable in view of the forms of maintenance and expansion of power used by the regime. In this context, Tropicalism emerges as an example of a contesting movement. This text approaches the song "Culture and civilization" by Gilberto Gil, performed by Gal Costa, relating the ideas present in this composition with the understandings of politics and culture, in a multidisciplinary proposal, seeking to understand the resistance and counter-resistance movements that emerged in Brazil at the time.

Since the mid-1970s, a number of testimonial narratives have contributed to the literature on the Brazilian military regime. These works, representing both the military and the Brazilian left, carry on the political struggles of the period (1964-1984). Through the dynamics of their publication, a tense dialogue has been established. A comparison of the memoirs of leftist militants with those of military men reveals that the practice of torture continues to be a source of apparently unending discord between the two sides. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright holder.]

This study documents a crucial dimension of the resistance of Nigerian civil society to a repressive and monumentally corrupt military state in the late 1980s and 1990s in Nigeria. Employing a neo-Gramscian theoretical framework, the study relates how a section of the media defied censorship laws, outright bans, incarceration and the assassination of opposition figures, to prosecute the struggle for democracy. It captures the tensions and contradictions between a pliant section of the media, which sought to legitimise the state and a critical section of the same media, which in alliance with radical civil society, invented rebellious outlets to carry on the struggle against dictatorship.The study seeks to make fresh departures by documenting not only the role of the national media in the throes of democratic struggle, but that of the international media whose role was influential in the years studied.Finally the report offers empirical proof of the mechanisms by which a vibrant civil society can curb the ravages of a predatory state in an African country. ; CONTENTS -- CHAPTER 1: Hegemonic Contest - Repressive State Versus Resurgent Media -- I. Introduction -- II. The Context - Antecedants -- III. Hegemony -- Theory IV. Hegemony and the Media - Applying the Theory -- CHAPTER 2: The Economic and Technological Tapestry - The Global Backdrop -- I. Nigerian Media - Economics, Technology and Ownership. The Context -- II. Harsh Economics and Survival Strategies -- III. Conclusion - Economics, Technology and Hegemony -- CHAPTER 3: Repression and Resistance 1989-93 -- I. Introduction -- II. Toughening Cadences and the Context of Repression -- III. Calendar of Repressive Activities -- IV. Coverage of the Annulment Controversy Crisis -- V. Conclusion -- CHAPTER 4: Censorship and Intolerance - The Media in the Abacha Years -- I. Introduction -- II. Harsh Cadences, Persecution and Resistance -- III. A Calendar of Repression -- IV. Editorial Postures - The June 1994 Crisis -- V. Conclusion -- CHAPTER 5: Driven Underground - The Guerrilla Media Phenomenon -- I. Introduction -- II. Profile and Perceptions -- III. Editorial Postures - The Election Annulment Controversy -- IV. The Self-Succession Controversy - Antecedents -- V. Linkages to Civil Society and Production Strategy -- VI. Conclusion - Retrospect and Prospect -- CHAPTER 6: Protest Vernacular - Neo-Traditional Media Versus the Military State. I. Introduction -- II. Historical and Sociological Woof -- III. Media Versus Military State -- IV. Conclusion - Orature and the Discourse Map -- CHAPTER 7: The Global Context - The International Media and the Crisis of Democratisation -- I. Introduction - The Issues -- II. Carrot and Stick Approach to Global Media -- III. Editorial Postures -- IV. The Media and Globalisation -- Concluding Remarks - Democratisation and Resurgent Media

Since the mid-1970s, a number of testimonial narratives have contributed to the literature on the Brazilian military regime. These works, representing both the military and the Brazilian left, carry on the political struggles of the period (1964—1984). Through the dynamics of their publication, a tense dialogue has been established. A comparison of the memoirs of leftist militants with those of military men reveals that the practice of torture continues to be a source of apparently unending discord between the two sides.

Abstract The purpose of this article is to analyse British media coverage of the Brazilian dictatorship. Specifically, we examine coverage by the weekly news magazine The Economist in the period from the promulgation of Institutional Act 5 in December 1968, to 1975, the second year of the Geisel administration. We compare its coverage with that of The Times and The Guardian in order to reach an understanding of its portrayal of Brazil in terms of two themes in particular: economic performance (notably the 'Brazilian miracle'), and political repression. We relate the latter theme to the international condemnations of torture, and the disappearance of political prisoners. Furthermore, given that The Economist mainly covers issues from an economic perspective, we examine shifts in the frequency and content of articles about Brazil, and conclude that The Economist's portrayal of Brazil in the period under review deviated from that of much of the rest of the British Press.

This paper is concerned with academic silencing in Suriname and its links with the conflict that took place at the national level, which was given scant consideration in research. Emphasis will be given to the establishment of the hero-system in order to ensure peace and the connections between academic silencing, dictatorship and law and order. ; This paper is concerned with academic silencing in Suriname and its links with the conflict that took place at the national level, which was given scant consideration in research. Emphasis will be given to the establishment of the hero-system in order to ensure peace and the connections between academic silencing, dictatorship and law and order.

Abstract The purpose of this article is to analyse British media coverage of the Brazilian dictatorship. Specifically, we examine coverage by the weekly news magazine The Economist in the period from the promulgation of Institutional Act 5 in December 1968, to 1975, the second year of the Geisel administration. We compare its coverage with that of The Times and The Guardian in order to reach an understanding of its portrayal of Brazil in terms of two themes in particular: economic performance (notably the 'Brazilian miracle'), and political repression. We relate the latter theme to the international condemnations of torture, and the disappearance of political prisoners. Furthermore, given that The Economist mainly covers issues from an economic perspective, we examine shifts in the frequency and content of articles about Brazil, and conclude that The Economist's portrayal of Brazil in the period under review deviated from that of much of the rest of the British Press.