Suchergebnisse

The thesis of this study is that dictators cannot be made in spite of socially propitious circumstances for their existence. Accordingly, transcending person-centered approaches – which limit themselves to intra-individual dynamics in the explanation of the origin of authoritarianism – I demonstrate how four important factors in concert have contributed to the making of Mengistu HaileMariam of Ethiopia as a dictator. First, the social and political basis for Mengistu's dictatorship was grilled by his predecessor, Emperor HaileSelassie, who, in order to augment his political position, was deeply interested in the centralization of power. Second, the absence of strong civil society, which could have acted as a counterweight to state power, set the condition for Mengistu's dictatorial regime. Third, Mengistu and his table companions justified their rule by an emergent ideology whose premises were drawn from the political philosophy of Marxism–Leninism and the social history of Ethiopia. Finally, favorable international context created a structurally conducive atmosphere for dictatorship through the acquisition of appropriate resources that reinforced Mengistu's militaristic establishment. However, none of these conditions by itself effectively addresses the issue under discussion without aligning it with the remaining set of conditions. Future study needs to focus on other cases in order to see if the same state of affairs were operative in the rise of a dictator.

This article highlights the renewed interest in the history of the coup of 1964 and the dictatorship that followed in Brazil, as well as some debates involved in the production of memoirs, investigative journalism and academic research on the topic. It analyses at more length one of the polemics: the increasing use of the term 'civilian‐military' to qualify the coup, the rule, and the dictatorship. It argues that – independent of the use of the term – the most important aspect is to understand the complex relationship between the military and civilians as part of a broader process of conservative modernisation during this period.

Violent crime rates have increased dramatically in many parts of the world in recent decades, with homicides now outpacing deaths due to interstate or civil wars. Considerable variations exist across democracies in their violent crime rates, however: different autocratic experiences help explain why this is the case. Democracies emerging from military rule have higher homicide rates because they typically inherit militarized police forces. This creates a dilemma after democratization: allowing the military to remain in the police leads to law enforcement personnel trained in defense rather than policing, but extricating it marginalizes individuals trained in the use of violence. The results of cross-national statistical tests are shown to be consistent with this argument.

This article seeks to describe the first findings of the research process described, focusing its construction and development in the narratives of social workers of the time (1973-1990), the notion of memory, power and resistance, clandestine social work and organizations related to the defense of human rights. Therefore, it is intended to identify in memory a space of resistance focused on social transformation, recognizing the historical relevance of the voices that played a leading role from social work and clandestine spaces of intervention, the military dictatorship established by Augusto Pinochet in Chile. ; El presente artículo busca describir los primeros hallazgos del proceso de investigación descrito, enfocando su construcción y desarrollo en los relatos de las trabajadoras sociales de la época (1973– 1990), la noción memoria, poder y resistencia, el trabajo social clandestino y organizaciones relacionadas con la defensa de los derechos humanos. Por lo tanto, se pretende identificar en la memoria un espacio de resistencia enfocado en la transformación social, reconociendo la relevancia histórica de las voces que protagonizaron desde el trabajo social y clandestinos espacios de intervención, la dictadura militar instaurada por Augusto Pinochet en Chile.

'Der Sudan ist ein Beispiel für den drohenden Staatszerfall als Folge eines (langfristig gescheiterten) Versuchs der Errichtung einer autoritären bis totalitären zentralistischen Staatsform, die es weder verstand, regionale Interessen und Klasseninteressen auszugleichen, noch integrativ auf unterschiedliche Ideologien, 'ethnische Gruppen', tribale Einheiten und Religionsgemeinschaften zu wirken. Ziel des Beitrages ist es nicht nur, die Ursachen und Entwicklungen des jahrzehntelangen bewaffneten Konfliktes im Sudan zu untersuchen, sondern auch, parastaatliche Akteure als solche zu analysieren und in einen regionalen Kontext einzubinden. Dabei wird der Bürgerkrieg im Sudan, entgegen dem in Europa weit verbreiteten Mythos von einem Krieg zwischen islamischen NordsudanesInnen und christlichen SüdsudanesInnen, auch mit Blick auf seine ökonomischen und machtpolitischen Aspekte untersucht. Sowohl die verschiedenen Gruppen der südsudanesischen Guerilla SPLA, die im Darfur (Westsudan) aktiven SLA und JEM wie auch die Partei- und Stammesmilizen auf Regierungsseite sind dabei als parastaatliche Akteure zu behandeln.' (Autorenreferat)

Since the mid-1970s, a number of testimonial narratives have contributed to the literature on the Brazilian military regime. These works, representing both the military and the Brazilian left, carry on the political struggles of the period (1964-1984). Through the dynamics of their publication, a tense dialogue has been established. A comparison of the memoirs of leftist militants with those of military men reveals that the practice of torture continues to be a source of apparently unending discord between the two sides. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright holder.]