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Violent crime rates have increased dramatically in many parts of the world in recent decades, with homicides now outpacing deaths due to interstate or civil wars. Considerable variations exist across democracies in their violent crime rates, however: different autocratic experiences help explain why this is the case. Democracies emerging from military rule have higher homicide rates because they typically inherit militarized police forces. This creates a dilemma after democratization: allowing the military to remain in the police leads to law enforcement personnel trained in defense rather than policing, but extricating it marginalizes individuals trained in the use of violence. The results of cross-national statistical tests are shown to be consistent with this argument.

This article seeks to describe the first findings of the research process described, focusing its construction and development in the narratives of social workers of the time (1973-1990), the notion of memory, power and resistance, clandestine social work and organizations related to the defense of human rights. Therefore, it is intended to identify in memory a space of resistance focused on social transformation, recognizing the historical relevance of the voices that played a leading role from social work and clandestine spaces of intervention, the military dictatorship established by Augusto Pinochet in Chile. ; El presente artículo busca describir los primeros hallazgos del proceso de investigación descrito, enfocando su construcción y desarrollo en los relatos de las trabajadoras sociales de la época (1973– 1990), la noción memoria, poder y resistencia, el trabajo social clandestino y organizaciones relacionadas con la defensa de los derechos humanos. Por lo tanto, se pretende identificar en la memoria un espacio de resistencia enfocado en la transformación social, reconociendo la relevancia histórica de las voces que protagonizaron desde el trabajo social y clandestinos espacios de intervención, la dictadura militar instaurada por Augusto Pinochet en Chile.

Abstract The purpose of this article is to analyse British media coverage of the Brazilian dictatorship. Specifically, we examine coverage by the weekly news magazine The Economist in the period from the promulgation of Institutional Act 5 in December 1968, to 1975, the second year of the Geisel administration. We compare its coverage with that of The Times and The Guardian in order to reach an understanding of its portrayal of Brazil in terms of two themes in particular: economic performance (notably the 'Brazilian miracle'), and political repression. We relate the latter theme to the international condemnations of torture, and the disappearance of political prisoners. Furthermore, given that The Economist mainly covers issues from an economic perspective, we examine shifts in the frequency and content of articles about Brazil, and conclude that The Economist's portrayal of Brazil in the period under review deviated from that of much of the rest of the British Press.

Abstract The purpose of this article is to analyse British media coverage of the Brazilian dictatorship. Specifically, we examine coverage by the weekly news magazine The Economist in the period from the promulgation of Institutional Act 5 in December 1968, to 1975, the second year of the Geisel administration. We compare its coverage with that of The Times and The Guardian in order to reach an understanding of its portrayal of Brazil in terms of two themes in particular: economic performance (notably the 'Brazilian miracle'), and political repression. We relate the latter theme to the international condemnations of torture, and the disappearance of political prisoners. Furthermore, given that The Economist mainly covers issues from an economic perspective, we examine shifts in the frequency and content of articles about Brazil, and conclude that The Economist's portrayal of Brazil in the period under review deviated from that of much of the rest of the British Press.

Este artigo analisa a relação entre ação política e intelectual de um grupo associado ao Movimento Folclórico Brasileiro e o desenvolvimento e implementação de políticas culturais no contexto da ditadura militar nas décadas de 1960 e 1970 no Brasil. O artigo concentra-se em uma análise comparativa dessas políticas, com base em documentos do governo militar e em materiais criados por folcloristas, particularmente o material encontrado na Revista Brasileira de Folclore. A mobilização em torno do folclore e suas consequências no campo da política cultural confirmam a relevância contemporânea do assunto no Brasil. O artigo conclui que, embora atualmente poucos estudiosos do setor cultural se identifiquem como folcloristas e que o termo folclore seja frequentemente evitado, o legado do Movimento Folclórico Brasileiro ainda é muito influente nas políticas culturais do governo contemporâneo. ; This article analyzes the relationship between political and intellectual action of a group of folklorists associated with the Brazilian Folkloric Movement, and the development and implementation of cultural policies within the context of the military dictatorship in the 1960s and 1970s in Brazil. The article focuses on a comparative analysis of these policies based on documents from the military government as well as material created by folklorists, particularly material found in the Revista Brasileira de Folclore. The mobilization around folklore and its consequences in the field of cultural policy confirms the contemporary relevance of the subject in Brazil. The article concludes that although few scholars in the cultural sector currently identify as folklorists, and that the term folklore is often avoided, the legacy of the Brazilian Folkloric Movement is still very influential in contemporary government cultural policies.

Abstract This article presents some of the results of a critical exercise concerning the multiple uses of the past, considering the relations between indigenous peoples, state power structures and sectors of regional society. It reveals how the complex interplay between the construction of a regional mythography and the notion of "demographic voids" (Moreira, 2000) was created at the expense of the forced removal and reclusion of Guarani and Tupinikim groups and the expropriation of their lands in Espírito Santo state, Brazil. The study focuses on the indigenous versions of historical situations, the multiple forms of relationship between the state and indigenous peoples and the conditions of production of ethnographic data (Oliveira Filho, 1999:9).

This article deals with the disputed terminology used to refer to the Brazilian military regime (1964–1985). On one side is the traditional "military dictatorship" nomenclature, which places the armed forces at the center of the political system during the period in question. Conversely, the more recent "civil-military dictatorship" terminology notes that the regime depended on civilian allies in business and government, as well as popular support, throughout its existence. My entry point is a heated 2012 debate between journalist Pedro Pomar and the radical art collective Coletivo Zagaia. I explore how new social actors that emerged after redemocratization have become central to the struggle over human rights in Brazil and, more specifically, how the dictatorship is remembered in the present. This debate among scholars, activists, bloggers, and journalists is fundamentally about memory, accountability, and, I argue, the quality of Brazilian democracy today.

This paper examines a case of cultural repression during the last dictatorship in Argentina (1976–1983). It studies actions carried out by law enforcement officers in response to a denunciation against a group of teachers in a small town in Santa Fe that had participated in a play characterised as 'pornographic', and who were finally accused of left‐wing propaganda and 'subversive' activities. This case offers an opportunity to review the relationship between immorality, pornography, communism and 'subversion'. Since the Cold War, these issues have been used in Latin America to construct an internal enemy and create governmental mechanisms and regulations for detecting and controlling its actions, and penalising the population in general.