Suchergebnisse

Under the Argentinian military dictatorship (1976-1983), the ruling Junte had set up 340 concentration camps across the country where the vast majority of detainees were subjected to torture before being murdered. The article focuses on the main concentration camp at the time, the Marine Mechanical School, ESMA, where 5000 people were exterminated. There were only 200 survivors. The Marine Military Staff had planned in advance the crackdown that was to follow the coup. Within the Junte, Admiral Maste will see a wide range of actions being given to his weapon. It sought to give maximum scope to repression. Under the impulse of various commanders, human hunting is of considerable importance. It targets not only the subversives stricto sensu C'is essentially the Montoneros péronistes- but any individual who is supposed to be a real or supposed opponent to the National Reorganisation Process. The officers practiced torture and Admiral Massera in person did not hesitate to lead by example. ESMA was indeed a concentration camp even if it did not match the image of the Nazi death camps. A repenti, Scillingo, reported on the circumstances of 'death theft'. The truth about the Junte's atrocities was gradually emerging thanks mainly to the national and international impact of the heroic action of the Mères de la Place de Mai. This was known in particular of the sequestration and murder of two French religions, Alice Domon and Léonie Duquet. Argentinian military personnel were deaf at all pressure. The only country that could have had influence was the United States, but Secretary of State Kissinger covered the Junte. A fundamental element of ESMA's functioning requires reporting in order to assess the political significance of this concentration camp. The organisation and the objectives were not the result of chance or improvisation, but the faithful translation of a law enforcement planning planned by the highest levels of the army, starting in 1975. In line with the United States, Argentinian military personnel blindly ...

Violent repression of the protest movement demanding the end of the military dictatorship since Dec. 1990.

Interview with Ricardo Lagos, the first socialist to be elected to the Chilean presidency since Salvador Allende in 1970, about his intentions to reform the Constitution inherited from General Pinochet's military dictatorship, his views on the military, globalization, regional integration, democracy, and other issues. Summaries in English and Spanish p. 451 and 467.

Analyzes political and social problems in Algeria; nature of the government and conflict with the Islamic fundamentalist opposition, responsibility for violence, and role of the military. Argues that massacres have been perpetrated by the Armed Islamic Group (GIA), which is increasingly isolated from the population, and that the government is not a dictatorship, but in a transitional phase.

Five years after the military coup that brought Dr Hassan Tourabi's ruling National Islamist Front to Khartoum, it is now possible to judge the Sudanese Islamist experience. The failure of the regime is clear, according to the very criteria of its promoters, and the regime is only seen as a shrinking dictatorship, dominated by terror over a disused and depleted people. ; International audience ; Five years after the military coup that brought Dr Hassan Tourabi's ruling National Islamist Front to Khartoum, it is now possible to judge the Sudanese Islamist experience. The failure of the regime is clear, according to the very criteria of its promoters, and the regime is only seen as a shrinking dictatorship, dominated by terror over a disused and depleted people. ; 5 p ; Five years after the military coup that brought Dr Hassan Tourabi's ruling National Islamist Front to Khartoum, it is now possible to judge the Sudanese Islamist experience. The failure of the regime is clear, according to the very criteria of its promoters, and the regime is only seen as a shrinking dictatorship, dominated by terror over a disused and depleted people. ; Cinq ans après le coup d'Etat militaire qui a porté le Front national islamiste du Dr. Hassan Tourabi au pouvoir à Khartoum, il est désormais possible de porter un jugement sur l'expérience islamiste soudanaise. L'échec de celle-ci est en effet patent, selon les critères mêmes de ses promoteurs, et le régime n'apparaît plus que comme une dictature essoufflée, régnant par la terreur sur un peuple désabusé et épuisé.

Human Rights Violation and Redemocratization in Brazil : A Treacherous Society within a Wrongful State.
Human rights violation made up one of the most striking issues raised in the latin-american political agenda during the seventies. In order to face the Brazilian « torturing State », a movement to defend human rights emerged under the guidance of the Catholic Church and the Brazilian Bar Association. This movement mobilized the public opinion and played a fundamental role in the disintegration of the military regime. However, at the end of the dictatorship period, this movement oecame stronger and instead of dealing with political prisoners it started to defend tortured common prisoners stemming from low income class. After this period, human rights militants were accused to protect marginals and the public opinion became hostile to this new approach of the movement. In the past, torturing practices related to middle class prisoners caused indignation among Brazilians. At the present, an apatnetic society sees these practices coming back within a different realm. This contrasting behavior tells us a lot about the strong hierarchy that pervades the Brazilian society. Beyond the classical dichotomy « dominated and dominants », this society is also based upon a more tragic dichotomy : those who are eligible to be tortured and others that are not eligible to be tortured.