Suchergebnisse

Purpose:-This study is conducted to find out whether democratic or nondemocratic governments bring greater economic growth to Pakistan. Methodology:-The data of economic growth from the bureau of statistics is taken for the period 1947(Pakistan's independence) to 2009 which includes four major democratic and four major autocratic era's. Findings:-With the help of independent sample t-test it is concluded that growth has been better in the periods of autocratic rule with significant difference in areas such as GDP growth rate, CPI inflation, floating debt and insignificant difference in areas such as exports, Health Expenditure, FDI, and Electricity generation Practical Implications:-The study will help the related departments in forming the effective policies viable for economic growth and development of the country. This study sheds light on the performance of the major types of government systems in terms of economic and social growth.

Virtually no one in the US raised objections to the 1964 military takeover of the Brazilian civilian government. In the early 1970s, however, the Brazilian regime had become associated with torture & the arbitrary rule of law. By the end of that decade, compliance with human rights standards had developed into a yardstick for measuring US foreign policy initiatives in Latin America. This paper argues that between 1969 & 1974, a small group of dedicated church activists, exiled Brazilians, & academics introduced the issue of human rights in Latin America into the US national body politic. A network of concerned activists fashioned a systematic campaign to educate journalists, government officials, & the public about the abuses taking place under the generals' rule. Their activities helped isolate the military regime & laid the groundwork for a broader solidarity movement with Latin American popular struggles in the late 1970s & 1980s. 120 References. Adapted from the source document.

This paper examines a case of cultural repression during the last dictatorship in Argentina (1976–1983). It studies actions carried out by law enforcement officers in response to a denunciation against a group of teachers in a small town in Santa Fe that had participated in a play characterised as 'pornographic', and who were finally accused of left‐wing propaganda and 'subversive' activities. This case offers an opportunity to review the relationship between immorality, pornography, communism and 'subversion'. Since the Cold War, these issues have been used in Latin America to construct an internal enemy and create governmental mechanisms and regulations for detecting and controlling its actions, and penalising the population in general.

AbstractOn 24 March 1976 a military junta deposed President María Estela Martínez de Perón and assumed power in Argentina. From the first days of the takeover, the authorities worked vigorously to restore what they defined as legitimate Argentine values. This article shows how the family became a focal point of the government's efforts because of its double function as an agent of and a target for renovation. A microcosm of the Argentine nation, the family was considered the basic building block of society, a guarantor of the civic well-being of the nation and, as such, an important ally of the authoritarian state in the fight to restore Argentina's 'traditional' values. The analysis focuses on the civic-military regime's efforts to fashion a family canon, which would become the only legitimate version of the Argentine family, and the broad repertoire of strategies used to impose it on the Argentine population.

AbstractVirtually no one in the United States raised objections to the 1964 military takeover of the Brazilian civilian government. In the early 1970s, however, the Brazilian regime had become associated with torture and the arbitrary rule of law. By the end of that decade, compliance with human rights standards had developed into a yardstick for measuring U.S. foreign policy initiatives in Latin America. This paper argues that between 1969 and 1974, a small group of dedicated church activists, exiled Brazilians, and academics introduced the issue of human rights in Latin America into the U.S. national body politic. A network of concerned activists fashioned a systematic campaign to educate journalists, government officials, and the public about the abuses taking place under the generals' rule. Their activities helped isolate the military regime and laid the groundwork for a broader solidarity movement with Latin American popular struggles in the late 1970s and 1980s.

Abstract This article presents some of the results of a critical exercise concerning the multiple uses of the past, considering the relations between indigenous peoples, state power structures and sectors of regional society. It reveals how the complex interplay between the construction of a regional mythography and the notion of "demographic voids" (Moreira, 2000) was created at the expense of the forced removal and reclusion of Guarani and Tupinikim groups and the expropriation of their lands in Espírito Santo state, Brazil. The study focuses on the indigenous versions of historical situations, the multiple forms of relationship between the state and indigenous peoples and the conditions of production of ethnographic data (Oliveira Filho, 1999:9).

O presente artigo faz uma análise do movimento estudantil paraense durante a Ditadura Militar de 1964-1985 e sua imprensa alternativa, importante canal de comunicação por onde circularam informações estratégicas de mobilizações e ações da categoria contrárias à nova ordem instituída. Destacam-se, neste trabalho, as atuações de dois jornais produzidos pelos estudantes da Universidade Federal do Pará (UFPa): O Papagaio (1967) e Nanico (1979). Os universitários encontraram, nesta imprensa, uma forma de tornar públicas as perseguições sofridas dentro do campus do Guamá, envolvendo professores e estudantes considerados subversivos. Nas páginas dessa imprensa havia também a negação da concepção bancária de educação (FREIRE, 2011), que deformava a criatividade educacional. Este artigo faz parte da investigação do projeto Mídias Alternativas na Amazônia, que está mapeando formas de comunicação contra hegemônica na região.