Hele Europa: projekter, kontraster
In: Publikationer fra Det sikkerheds- og nedrustningspolitiske udvalg 60
18 Ergebnisse
Sortierung:
In: Publikationer fra Det sikkerheds- og nedrustningspolitiske udvalg 60
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 13
ISSN: 2387-4562
Russia's military invasion of and war against Ukraine has caused enormous human suffering and material destruction. The situation also raises a number of academic and scholarly issues. This editorial describes the context for Arctic Review on Law and Politics' plans for a special, thematic series devoted to these matters.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 67, Heft 2, S. 273-289
ISSN: 0020-577X
Between the Second World War and the fall of the Berlin Wall Germany showed great aversion towards using military force for other purposes than territorial defense and held a multilateral balance between France and the United States with their respective ambitions EU and NATO. After the Wall fell, the German security policy started to change and German politicians increasingly argued for military use as a legitimate instrument in international politics. Among the driving forces for this process has been the change in European strategic culture as Europe is looking towards an integrated foreign and security policy, which may even go against German interest. L. Pitkaniemi
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 63, Heft 5, S. 553-566
ISSN: 0020-577X
1970s military dictatorship in Latin America was followed by a democratization process in the 1980s, at a point when military powers had devastated the economy & more than doubled foreign debt. Now, in the beginning of the twenty-first century, the region finds itself in a period marked by governments that, perhaps more than ever before, are characterized by their reaction to the neo-liberal policies of the 1990s. Of particular concern in this respect is the changing relationship between the region & the United States, which in turn opens opportunity for the involvement of other international actors in the sphere. This brings about a high degree of uncertainty both for Latin America itself as well as for the international community. Some of the many cases of Latin American economies & politics in crisis are described here in detail. C Brunski
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 13, S. 32-33
ISSN: 2387-4562
For a long time, the Arctic has been regarded as a stable region with low tension. However, even though low tension prevails, it is a fact that the circumpolar region also encompasses some of the world's most capable and potent military capabilities. The key role of the Arctic regarding security issues, international relations and geopolitics, is sometimes underplayed or not fully understood. These aspects of security are investigated in this thematic issue of Arctic Review on Law and Politics.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 64, Heft 1, S. 7-28
ISSN: 0020-577X
In this article, the 9/11 events are analysed from a gender perspective -- both the terror attacks & the military responses upon them. Gender is shown to be relevant in several aspects, as gendered arguments have been used to justify acts of violence on both sides. Concerning the cultural construction of femininity, women were made invisible in the Western media debate that followed upon the terror attacks. At the same time, Afghan women were constructed as victims & became the alibi for the American military responses to the 9/11 attacks. Further, cultural gender norms of masculinity coloured the American rhetoric that justified the wars in both Afghanistan & Iraq. Finally, the analysis in the article shows how the terror attacks might be interpreted as a way to (re)construct a masculinity men in certain contexts might feel they are entitled to, after an experienced emasculation. The conclusion in the article is that a gender analysis deepens our understanding of the war on terrorism, & at the same time it shows how gender has become a central aspect of global politics. References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 66, Heft 2-3, S. 373-382
ISSN: 0020-577X
This article presents the opinion that American exceptionalism has returned post 9/11. It is argued that Ronald Reagan's international relations during the cold war displayed the attitude that power is more important than intellectual, factual, historical, ideological, or moral obligations. The uses of power employed by Americans in international conflicts are compared to the uses of power employed by empires of the past. A historical exploration is included of the development of exceptionalist attitudes from the founding of the US in the 1700's, throughout the continual expansions of the 1800's and into the industrial and military power of the 1900's. It is further argued that American traditions during the early 1900's border on messianism, where the American people are the chosen people, and that Reaganism was a natural extension of these traditions, whereas post Reagan there was no need for American messianism or exceptionalism, and thus American Presidents sought a new world order where the US would participate in integrated global economics and politics in cooperation with other nations. George W. Bush's politics post 9/11 with its war on terror marked the return of American exceptionalism. E. Sundby
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 66, Heft 2-3, S. 481-488
ISSN: 0020-577X
A roundtable discussion involving Dag Herbjornsrud, Jan Erik Snoen, and Halvard Leira that addresses general Norwegian media coverage of the USA. A mixed media picture is discussed; on one hand conservative politics are exaggerated and presented in a negative light while the underlying idea of freedom and opportunity is appealing to the media. The duality of media coverage is attributed to strong cultural and military ties with the USA contrasted by strong political differences. It is suggested that the USA is used to compare and contrast to Norwegian society in order to better understand Norwegian issues. The existence of an American attitude of exceptionalism is debated and it is suggested that this is an academic construct rather than popular opinion. It is argued that Norwegians are unable to fully appreciate the level of diversity in the United States and have a tendency to form opinions based on elitist East Coast sources and entertainment sources such as film and television. It is agreed that Norwegians have premeditated opinions about the US that are not based on political science and/or historical research or factual knowledge. E. Sundby
In: Mandrup , T 2009 , ' South Africa and the SADC Stand-by Force ' , Scientia Militaria : South African Journal of Military Studies , bind 37 , nr. 2 , s. 1-24 .
The regional powerhouse, South Africa, has since the introduction of the nonracial democratic dispensation in 1994, played a central and important role in the formation of both the regional and continental security architecture. With the establishment of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) in 1992, one of the central areas of collaboration for the community was envisioned to be security, understood within a broadened human security framework. Security was therefore from the outset one of the cornerstones of integration in the SADC. It was believed that the formation of a security community would help dismantle the enmities that had plagued regional relations during the apartheid era. For some parties, institutionalisation of relations pointed to a means of stabilising and disseminating a particular order. Such institutions depict the power relations prevailing at the time of their establishment, which, however, can change over time (Cox 1981:136). The integration ambition surrounding security correlated with the ambitions of South Africa, the new democratic government in the regional powerhouse. South Africa and its overall foreign policy ambitions desired the pursuit of peace, democracy and stability for economic growth and development in the region and within South Africa itself. Since South Africa's acceptance into the SADC in 1994, the organisation has attempted to set up the required institutional framework to enable co-operation on security, both in terms of narrow military co-operation and regarding designated 2 softer security issues, such as migration and cross-border crime. The military cooperation moved forward in the early years after 1994 with the 1996 decision of creating an Organ for Politics, Defence and Security Co-operation (OPDSC)1 and later the signing of the Mutual Defence Pact (MDP) in 2003, and eventually the creation of the Strategic Indicative Plan for the Organ (SIPO) in 2004, which operationalised the OPDSC (SADC 2004). However, the actual military cooperation, e.g. military exercises, came close to a standstill. Several developments obstructed military co-operation of which the evolving crisis in Zimbabwe and the subsequent withdrawal of donor support to, for instance, the Regional Peacekeeping Training Centre (RPTC) in Harare are but two examples. The RPTC constituted the backbone of the co-operation, but political differences between member states illustrated during the Zimbabwean crisis and following the mandate of the interventions in especially the DR Congo and partly Lesotho in 1998 all contributed to regional tensions.2 Despite the crisis, SADC members, and in particular South Africa, declared that the organisation would be able to form a regional stand-by brigade for the use of the African Union (AU) as part of its wider security architecture. On 17 August 2007, the SADC declared its stand-by-force operational at a large parade in Lusaka, Zambia and at the same occasion signed a memorandum of understanding on the SADCBRIG (SADC 2007). According to the timeline provided by the AU, the brigade should be fully operational by June 2010. Former South African deputy foreign minister Aziz Pahad stated after the launch that this was an important step, but that now there was much to be done securing joint levels and types of training, interoperability, etc. (Pahad 2007). The question that continues to linger is to what extent this brigade is operational and for what purpose. Is this new regional military formation in its present form just a paper tiger, or is it "real progress" and an example of "successful" regional cooperation and integration? This article scrutinises the security co-operation and integration in SADC and asks whether an apparent lack of common values between SADC member states are blocking the security integration process, the creation of a security community, and thereby the establishment of an effective stand-by brigade, the so-called SADCBRIG. The article furthermore attempts to scrutinise the role played by South Africa in establishing the SADCBRIG.
BASE
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 66, Heft 1, S. 187-199
ISSN: 0020-577X
This article provides an outline of the history of the American Empire's rise and transformations. The analysis examines the political situation in America around 1800 when the country was established as a republic at a time when international imperialism was prevalent with still powerful British, French, and Spanish empires. The article argues that the territorial expansion within the North American continent was conducted within the realms of imperial ideology, although, unlike other empires, once included in the empire each state became an equal participant in the central authority. The article poses a new type of empire that have emerged in America following the second world war; an American Empire based on international alliances for the purpose of international and national security based on voluntary participation, although subject to economic support or sanction. The article suggests that the war on terrorism has brought power politics and alliances that mirror classic imperial ideals, with an increase in military presence to enforce imperial alliances. The author concludes that based on the problems experienced with imperialistic use of power in Afghanistan and Iraq it is unlikely that the U.S. is establishing a new classical empire. This article is one in a series of articles on the topic of empires. References. E. Sundby