Suchergebnisse

Пересечение интересов Соединенных Штатов и Китайской Народной Республики в любом отдельно взятом регионе мира в современных условиях способно оказать влияние на расстановку сил на международной арене в целом. По этой причине представляется вполне закономерным, что политическое, экономическое и военное присутствие КНР в Латинской Америке является объектом пристального изучения. Начавшееся около двух десятилетий назад с установления стабильных экономических связей сотрудничество Китая и латиноамериканских государств вскоре распространилось на другие сферы, такие как политика, безопасность и культура. При этом внешней политике действующего руководства Китая в отношении стран Латинской Америки в полной мере присущи характерные особенности концепции «мягкой силы». Данная публикация посвящена особенностям «непрямого» продвижения Пекином национальных интересов в регионе на примере двусторонних отношений Китая с некоторыми латиноамериканскими государствами. = Intersection of the national interests of the United States and the People's Republic of China in any region of the world can in current conditions affect general situation on the international arena. Thus, it is absolutely logical that political, economic and military presence of the PRC in Latin America draws keen interest of the international scientific and expert community. The cooperation between China and Latin America started approximately twenty years ago with the creation of solid economic ties and rapidly spread into politics, security and culture. Notably, the regional strategy of China in Latin America possesses all the characteristic features of «soft power». The current article is dedicated to the specific features of Beijing's «indirect» realization of the national interests in the region on an example of bilateral relations with some Latin-American countries.

Political situation in Egypt has been attracting international attention since 2011, when the wave of protests of so-called Arab Spring swept through the region of Middle East and North Africa. Inspired by democratic slogans of political pluralism, freedom of speech, press and religion, Egyptian revolution led to the political success of the Islamist groups, such as An-Nour and Muslim Brotherhood, that came to power in 2012. The representative of Muslim Brotherhood Mohammed Morsi held his position of the head of the state for a critically short term: had been elected in the end of June 2012, he was overthrown in the beginning of July 2013 by military coup supported by all the political forces of Egypt as well as Egyptian people, who gathered again in the Tahrir Square. Eventually, the people who had voted for Morsi a year before turned against him as well as political forces that used to support Muslim Brotherhood. He didn't manage to prove his consistency as the president of the country. A number of factors led to this result. Economic situation in Egypt didn't improve, democratically elected president launched totally undemocratic initiatives, etc. All these factors may be considered as obviously objective reasons for loosing the power. But Egyptian political environment has specific features that should be taken into account while investigating the reasons and factors of Morsi overthrow in 2013. Had being shaped through previous 30 years of Hosni Mubarak power and firmly rooted in Egyptian society, they couldn't be changed simultaneously after the revolution. Two key players have been occupied leading positions in Egyptian politics during all this period: business elites and army. Both of them had financial and social base and influenced public opinion in the country. Political situation turned to be even more complicated with the vast number of new parties arouse after the revolt. All these players had an important part in Egyptian politics and should have been taken into account by the president. Moreover, his ability to form relationship with them and gain their loyalty was an important condition for maintaining power. Instead, M. Morsi started confrontation with the leading political forces of Egypt. Apparently, this wrong tactics resulted in his overthrow from the presidency in 2013.

This paper deals with a variety of lyric poetry that was widely cultivated under Catherine II — the poetry of war. This poetry was written almost always as oc- casional court poetry; it flourished in the general context of festivities organized in celebration of the Russian successes in the numerous wars of the period. The analysis takes into account not only the main poets, but also the minor poets in order to receive a fuller picture of the period's mentality. Presenting themselves as loyal subjects, the poets dedicated their texts mostly to Catherine II, congratulating her on her victories and praising her multifarious virtues. This panegyric element sheds a light on the cult of the empress and the specifics of her contemporary image. But the poets addressed their works not only to Catherine, but also to her victorious generals and in some cases also to the armed forces. In practicing this kind of poetry, the authors not only showed their patriotism, but also their poetic virtuosity and their erudition: their poetic task was to translate the well-known military facts into the solemn "language" of the "high style". Writing a victory ode was a celebratory act sui generis: according to a venerable tradition of classical antiquity, the poetic word was able to transcend time, ensuring eternal glory. Remaining close to official doctrine, the poets were nevertheless able to express their own patriotic view on the ongoing wars. This patriotism came in two kinds; each one represented a certain attitude to war. The first was a radical patriotism that advocated the pursuit of national glory by the ruthless use of military power in foreign politics. The second kind was a moderate patriotism that saw war as a necessary evil; it obsessively strove to reconcile Catherine's bellicose politics with the traditional ideal of а "just war". The article closes with a discussion of war poetry in its relation to the peace-loving ideals of European Enlightenment. ; Предлагаемая статья посвящена военной лирике, широко практикуемой русскими поэтами во второй половине ХѴІІІ века. Эта лирика является тематической разновидностью окказиональной придворной поэзии. Она процветала в контексте празднеств, устраиваемых по поводу русских успехов в многочисленных войнах эпохи. Учитывается творчество не только крупных, но и мелких поэтов, чтобы получить более полную картину современного сознания. Рекомендуя себя в качестве лояльных подданных, поэты посвящали свои стихотворения прежде всего Екатерине ІІ, поздравляя ее с победой и восхваляя ее многочисленные добродетели. Этот панегирический элемент военной поэзии проливает свет и на культ монархини, и на конкретные черты ее образа. Поэты обращались со своими текстами также к победоносным генералам, а иногда и к российским войскам. Практикуя этот жанр, они демонстрировали не только свои верноподданнические чувства, но и свою поэтическую виртуозность. Их художественная задача состояла в том, чтобы перевести известные факты военных событий на "язык" высокого стиля, придавая им поэтический, праздничный ореол. Писать победную оду было праздничным актом sui generis: согласно европейской традиции, восходящей к классической античности, поэтическое слово обладало способностью победить время и обеспечить вечную славу. Кроме того, поэты могли при всей близости к позиции официальной политики выразить свой собственный взгляд на военные события. Выделяются две основных точки зрения: для радикальных патриотов среди поэтов война являлась испытанным и позволительным средством для осуществления внешнеполитических претензий, тогда как умеренные патриоты, напротив, видели в войне необходимое зло, которое они стремились всеми силами согласовать с традиционным идеалом "праведной войны". Статья завершается обсуждением вопроса об отношении военной поэзии к миролюбивым идеалам европейского Просвещения.

It is assumed that on 16 February 2001, Albanians started fighting for their rights in Macedonia with the use of force. On that day armed groups attacked Macedonian police stations in the village of Tanuševci near Tetov. The clashes of various intensity lasted until major amendments to Macedonian constitution were adopted in November 2001.In the first stage of fighting (until May 2001), the Macedonians attempted to disarm the Albanian rebels and destroy the weapons which they had accumulated. This proved difficult because of the support which the latter had in Kosovo and the Prešev Valley, and the guerrilla strategy that they had developed earlier in Kosovo and now adopted. What is more, the Macedonian military actions were slowed down by Americans with the intention of limiting the number of casualties. In April, EU members and the US managed to establish a wide coalition.The major political parties of the country, both governing and oppositional (Macedonian and Albanian) decided to start negotiations concerning the conditions of the future peace treaty - that is, concessions for Albanians living in Macedonia and awarding them more rights. At the same time, the US and members of the EU states opposed the introduction of martial law in the country in order to deal with Albanian rebels by force.The leaders of Albanian parties in Macedonia and the main leaders of the Albanian revolution signed the Prizren Agreement, which was to provide a new plain for the future peace negotiations. Boris Trajkovski, the President of Macedonia, largely agreed with US and UE politics, but for the Prime Minister, his environment and most prominent Macedonian intellectuals - with Georgi Efremov, the President of MANU - the only solution was the division of the Macedonian territory and exchange of their minority groups. The representatives of the EU and US opposed such actions and emphasised that preserving the territorial integrity of Macedonia was absolutely crucial. ; It is assumed that on 16 February 2001, Albanians started fighting for their rights in Macedonia with the use of force. On that day armed groups attacked Macedonian police stations in the village of Tanuševci near Tetov. The clashes of various intensity lasted until major amendments to Macedonian constitution were adopted in November 2001.In the first stage of fighting (until May 2001), the Macedonians attempted to disarm the Albanian rebels and destroy the weapons which they had accumulated. This proved difficult because of the support which the latter had in Kosovo and the Prešev Valley, and the guerrilla strategy that they had developed earlier in Kosovo and now adopted. What is more, the Macedonian military actions were slowed down by Americans with the intention of limiting the number of casualties. In April, EU members and the US managed to establish a wide coalition.The major political parties of the country, both governing and oppositional (Macedonian and Albanian) decided to start negotiations concerning the conditions of the future peace treaty - that is, concessions for Albanians living in Macedonia and awarding them more rights. At the same time, the US and members of the EU states opposed the introduction of martial law in the country in order to deal with Albanian rebels by force.The leaders of Albanian parties in Macedonia and the main leaders of the Albanian revolution signed the Prizren Agreement, which was to provide a new plain for the future peace negotiations. Boris Trajkovski, the President of Macedonia, largely agreed with US and UE politics, but for the Prime Minister, his environment and most prominent Macedonian intellectuals - with Georgi Efremov, the President of MANU - the only solution was the division of the Macedonian territory and exchange of their minority groups. The representatives of the EU and US opposed such actions and emphasised that preserving the territorial integrity of Macedonia was absolutely crucial.

The aim of the article is to analyze the two institutional set-ups that have evolved within the framework of transatlantic security relations. First, it is NATO, which was created in 1949 as a military alliance whose original purpose was to counteract the threat posed by the Soviet Union and to control Germany by anchoring the United States on the European continent. Since then, and especially since the end of the Cold War, NATO has undergone a process of transformation, but a number of primary functions continue to be extremely important. Individual theories of international relations (neorealism, neoliberal institutionalism, social constructivism) interpret the changes in NATO differently. Second, an alternative institutional set-up to NATO may be security and defence relations between the European Union and the United States. It is more potential because the Union still has problems with its actorness in international politics. ; Celem artykułu jest analiza dwóch układów instytucjonalnych, które rozwinęły się w ramach transatlantyckich stosunków bezpieczeństwa. Po pierwsze, jest to NATO, które powstało w 1949 r. jako sojusz wojskowy, którego pierwotnym celem było przeciwdziałanie zagrożeniu ze strony Związku Radzieckiego i kontrola Niemiec dzięki zakotwiczeniu Stanów Zjednoczonych na kontynencie europejskim. Od tego czasu, a w szczególności od końca zimnej wojny, NATO przeszło proces transformacji, ale szereg pierwotnych funkcji nadal ma ogromne znaczenie. Poszczególne teorie stosunków międzynarodowych (neorealizm, neoliberalny instytucjonalizm, konstruktywizm społeczny) w odmienny sposób interpretują zmiany w NATO. Po drugie, alternatywnym układem instytucjonalnym dla NATO mogą być relacje w dziedzinie bezpieczeństwa i obrony pomiędzy Unią Europejską a Stanami Zjednoczonymi. Ma on bardziej charakter potencjalny, gdyż nadal Unia ma problemy ze swoją podmiotowością w polityce międzynarodowej.

Celem artykułu jest analiza dwóch układów instytucjonalnych, które rozwinęły się w ramach transatlantyckich stosunków bezpieczeństwa. Po pierwsze, jest to NATO, które powstało w 1949 r. jako sojusz wojskowy, którego pierwotnym celem było przeciwdziałanie zagrożeniu ze strony Związku Radzieckiego i kontrola Niemiec dzięki zakotwiczeniu Stanów Zjednoczonych na kontynencie europejskim. Od tego czasu, a w szczególności od końca zimnej wojny, NATO przeszło proces transformacji, ale szereg pierwotnych funkcji nadal ma ogromne znaczenie. Poszczególne teorie stosunków międzynarodowych (neorealizm, neoliberalny instytucjonalizm, konstruktywizm społeczny) w odmienny sposób interpretują zmiany w NATO. Po drugie, alternatywnym układem instytucjonalnym dla NATO mogą być relacje w dziedzinie bezpieczeństwa i obrony pomiędzy Unią Europejską a Stanami Zjednoczonymi. Ma on bardziej charakter potencjalny, gdyż nadal Unia ma problemy ze swoją podmiotowością w polityce międzynarodowej. ; The aim of the article is to analyze the two institutional set-ups that have evolved within the framework of transatlantic security relations. First, it is NATO, which was created in 1949 as a military alliance whose original purpose was to counteract the threat posed by the Soviet Union and to control Germany by anchoring the United States on the European continent. Since then, and especially since the end of the Cold War, NATO has undergone a process of transformation, but a number of primary functions continue to be extremely important. Individual theories of international relations (neorealism, neoliberal institutionalism, social constructivism) interpret the changes in NATO differently. Second, an alternative institutional set-up to NATO may be security and defence relations between the European Union and the United States. It is more potential because the Union still has problems with its actorness in international politics.

Celem artykułu jest analiza dwóch układów instytucjonalnych, które rozwinęły się w ramach transatlantyckich stosunków bezpieczeństwa. Po pierwsze, jest to NATO, które powstało w 1949 r. jako sojusz wojskowy, którego pierwotnym celem było przeciwdziałanie zagrożeniu ze strony Związku Radzieckiego i kontrola Niemiec dzięki zakotwiczeniu Stanów Zjednoczonych na kontynencie europejskim. Od tego czasu, a w szczególności od końca zimnej wojny, NATO przeszło proces transformacji, ale szereg pierwotnych funkcji nadal ma ogromne znaczenie. Poszczególne teorie stosunków międzynarodowych (neorealizm, neoliberalny instytucjonalizm, konstruktywizm społeczny) w odmienny sposób interpretują zmiany w NATO. Po drugie, alternatywnym układem instytucjonalnym dla NATO mogą być relacje w dziedzinie bezpieczeństwa i obrony pomiędzy Unią Europejską a Stanami Zjednoczonymi. Ma on bardziej charakter potencjalny, gdyż nadal Unia ma problemy ze swoją podmiotowością w polityce międzynarodowej. ; The aim of the article is to analyze the two institutional set-ups that have evolved within the framework of transatlantic security relations. First, it is NATO, which was created in 1949 as a military alliance whose original purpose was to counteract the threat posed by the Soviet Union and to control Germany by anchoring the United States on the European continent. Since then, and especially since the end of the Cold War, NATO has undergone a process of transformation, but a number of primary functions continue to be extremely important. Individual theories of international relations (neorealism, neoliberal institutionalism, social constructivism) interpret the changes in NATO differently. Second, an alternative institutional set-up to NATO may be security and defence relations between the European Union and the United States. It is more potential because the Union still has problems with its actorness in international politics.

Celem artykułu jest analiza dwóch układów instytucjonalnych, które rozwinęły się w ramach transatlantyckich stosunków bezpieczeństwa. Po pierwsze, jest to NATO, które powstało w 1949 r. jako sojusz wojskowy, którego pierwotnym celem było przeciwdziałanie zagrożeniu ze strony Związku Radzieckiego i kontrola Niemiec dzięki zakotwiczeniu Stanów Zjednoczonych na kontynencie europejskim. Od tego czasu, a w szczególności od końca zimnej wojny, NATO przeszło proces transformacji, ale szereg pierwotnych funkcji nadal ma ogromne znaczenie. Poszczególne teorie stosunków międzynarodowych (neorealizm, neoliberalny instytucjonalizm, konstruktywizm społeczny) w odmienny sposób interpretują zmiany w NATO. Po drugie, alternatywnym układem instytucjonalnym dla NATO mogą być relacje w dziedzinie bezpieczeństwa i obrony pomiędzy Unią Europejską a Stanami Zjednoczonymi. Ma on bardziej charakter potencjalny, gdyż nadal Unia ma problemy ze swoją podmiotowością w polityce międzynarodowej. ; The aim of the article is to analyze the two institutional set-ups that have evolved within the framework of transatlantic security relations. First, it is NATO, which was created in 1949 as a military alliance whose original purpose was to counteract the threat posed by the Soviet Union and to control Germany by anchoring the United States on the European continent. Since then, and especially since the end of the Cold War, NATO has undergone a process of transformation, but a number of primary functions continue to be extremely important. Individual theories of international relations (neorealism, neoliberal institutionalism, social constructivism) interpret the changes in NATO differently. Second, an alternative institutional set-up to NATO may be security and defence relations between the European Union and the United States. It is more potential because the Union still has problems with its actorness in international politics.

The events of the Arab Spring in Syria have led to the re-evaluation of the regional policy of the Republic of Turkey, which has faced two options. One involves acting in compliance with the expectations of its Western allies, and promoting the principles of democracy in the Middle East by firmly reacting against any cases of human rights' violations, simultaneously showing the direction of the changes necessary in the region. Another refers to the principles included in the definition of the international policy of "Strategic Depth": avoiding problems with neighbors, which excludes all interference in the internal politics of other countries, and means the continuation of pragmatic co-operation with all political centers, including authoritarian regimes. In the face of the violent struggle between the opposition and Al-Assad supporters, a policy of the protection of democracy and human rights has been chosen. This decision, on the one hand, strengthens Turkey's relations with Western structures. On the other hand, it may lead to open conflict with a direct neighbor, Syria, which constitutes a serious threat to Turkey's security, and may result in negative consequences for its energy security and economic relations with its Middle East partners. The Republic of Turkey does not exclude direct engagement in a potential military intervention in three cases. Firstly, if Turkey's NATO allies decide to start military operations in Syria. Secondly, should it become necessary to protect its people and its territory. Thirdly, in the case of the conflict's escalation or its spread outside Syria's borders. ; Wybuch Arabskiej Wiosny w Syrii spowodował przewartościowanie polityki regionalnej Turcji. Stanęła ona przed wyborem. Czy promować w Syrii i w całym regionie Bliskiego Wschodu zasady demokracji i reagować na przypadki łamania praw człowieka, wskazując tym samym kierunek niezbędnych przemian. Czy nawiązując do zasady tzw. zero problemów z sąsiadami kontynuować pragmatyczną współpracę z reżimem. Zwyciężyła polityka ochrony demokracji i praw człowieka. Wybór ten, z jednej strony zacieśnia relacje Turcji ze strukturami zachodnimi. Z drugiej, naraża na otwarty konflikt z Syrią oraz pogorszenie relacji z Iranem, które mogą mieć negatywne konsekwencje dlajej bezpieczeństwa i powiązań gospodarczych z Bliskim Wschodem. Uwzględniając złożoną sytuację na Bliskim Wschodzie, przywódcy Republiki Turcji za optymalne uznają: utrzymanie integralności terytorialnej Syrii; zapobieżenie wybuchowi konfliktu wyznaniowego, który może rozprzestrzenić się na obszar całego Bliskiego Wschodu oraz stopniową demokratyzację ogarniętego walkami państwa. Jednocześnie nie wykluczają oni bezpośredniego zaangażowania w konflikt w trzech przypadkach. Po pierwsze, przystąpienia do interwencji zbrojnej członków Sojuszu Północnoatlantyckiego. Po drugie, konieczności ochrony własnej ludności i terytorium. Po trzecie, eskalacji walk, bądź ich przeniesienia poza granice Syrii.

Wybuch Arabskiej Wiosny w Syrii spowodował przewartościowanie polityki regionalnej Turcji. Stanęła ona przed wyborem. Czy promować w Syrii i w całym regionie Bliskiego Wschodu zasady demokracji i reagować na przypadki łamania praw człowieka, wskazując tym samym kierunek niezbędnych przemian. Czy nawiązując do zasady tzw. zero problemów z sąsiadami kontynuować pragmatyczną współpracę z reżimem. Zwyciężyła polityka ochrony demokracji i praw człowieka. Wybór ten, z jednej strony zacieśnia relacje Turcji ze strukturami zachodnimi. Z drugiej, naraża na otwarty konflikt z Syrią oraz pogorszenie relacji z Iranem, które mogą mieć negatywne konsekwencje dla jej bezpieczeństwa i powiązań gospodarczych z Bliskim Wschodem. Uwzględniając złożoną sytuację na Bliskim Wschodzie, przywódcy Republiki Turcji za optymalne uznają: utrzymanie integralności terytorialnej Syrii; zapobieżenie wybuchowi konfliktu wyznaniowego, który może rozprzestrzenić się na obszar całego Bliskiego Wschodu oraz stopniową demokratyzację ogarniętego walkami państwa. Jednocześnie nie wykluczają oni bezpośredniego zaangażowania w konflikt w trzech przypadkach. Po pierwsze, przystąpienia do interwencji zbrojnej członków Sojuszu Północnoatlantyckiego. Po drugie, konieczności ochrony własnej ludności i terytorium. Po trzecie, eskalacji walk, bądź ich przeniesienia poza granice Syrii. ; The events of the Arab Spring in Syria have led to the re-evaluation of the regional policy of the Republic of Turkey, which has faced two options. One involves acting in compliance with the expectations of its Western allies, and promoting the principles of democracy in the Middle East by firmly reacting against any cases of human rights' violations, simultaneously showing the direction of the changes necessary in the region. Another refers to the principles included in the definition of the international policy of "Strategic Depth": avoiding problems with neighbors, which excludes all interference in the internal politics of other countries, and means the continuation of pragmatic co-operation with all political centers, including authoritarian regimes. In the face of the violent struggle between the opposition and Al-Assad supporters, a policy of the protection of democracy and human rights has been chosen. This decision, on the one hand, strengthens Turkey's relations with Western structures. On the other hand, it may lead to open conflict with a direct neighbor, Syria, which constitutes a serious threat to Turkey's security, and may result in negative consequences for its energy security and economic relations with its Middle East partners. The Republic of Turkey does not exclude direct engagement in a potential military intervention in three cases. Firstly, if Turkey's NATO allies decide to start military operations in Syria. Secondly, should it become necessary to protect its people and its territory. Thirdly, in the case of the conflict's escalation or its spread outside Syria's borders.

At present, the formation of a positive image of the armed forces of the Russian Federation among various social groups is necessary. Many citizens want to have a full understanding of the army, since this is one of the most important institutions of the state and the country's security directly depends on it. One of the most important components is the image of the armed forces in the youth environment, as in Russia there is a mixed recruitment of troops, and many servicemen carry out their service on conscription. The transformation of the information sphere into a system-forming factor in the life of a society that actively influences its state, development and security is in demand. Therefore, the information security aspect is rather difficult to overestimate. It is very important for our state, in the current conditions of information confrontation, to respond in a timely manner to the information activity of potential adversaries who may try to form a negative image of the Russian army, undermining its fighting capacity, authority, and people's trust. There is an urgent increase in the role of information and communication technologies in politics and the public sphere. In this regard, it becomes possible to more effectively form, introduce and develop the image of the Armed Forces in the minds of citizens. There is a proliferation of conflicting and diverse information about the army, which is often untrue. To change such activities, effective approaches are needed in the production and broadcasting of information on the Armed Forces, the use of various channels of communication to enhance the prestige of military service and trust in it. It is necessary to cover competently and professionally the activities of the Armed Forces in military conflicts. Effective information support of the army's participation in military operations (including media) reduces the potential of potential adversaries to discredit the Armed Forces. And the integral image of the Russian army in the international arena increases its strength in the eyes of the world community, positively influences the export of weapons to military cooperation. The article analyzes the changes in the image of the Russian army at the present stage of its functioning. Building on the achievements of the domestic Political Science in the field of political imageology, the author focuses on the some negative and positive of the factors and trends, creating an image of the Russian Armed Forces. Author give periodization of the transformation of the image the army. Presented strategic vectors to improve it. ; В настоящее время необходимо формирование положительного имиджа вооружённых сил РФ среди различных социальных групп. Многие граждане хотят иметь полноценное представление об армии, так как это один из важнейших институтов государства и от него напрямую зависит безопасность страны. Одним из важнейших компонентов является образ вооружённых сил в молодёжной среде, так как в России идёт смешанное комплектование войск, и многие военнослужащие осуществляют свою службу по призыву. Востребовано превращение информационной сферы в системообразующий фактор жизни общества, который активно влияет на его состояние, развитие и безопасность. Поэтому информационный аспект безопасности довольно трудно переоценить. Очень важно нашему государству в современных условиях информационного противоборства вовремя реагировать на информационную активность потенциальных противников, которые могут пытаться формировать негативный имидж российской армии, подрывая её боеспособность, авторитет, доверие со стороны людей. Насущно возрастание роли информационно-коммуникационных технологий в политике и общественной сфере. В связи с этим появляется возможность более эффективно формировать, внедрять и развивать имидж Вооружённых сил в сознании граждан. Существует распространение противоречивой и разноплановой информации об армии, которая часто не соответствует действительности. Для изменения подобной деятельности необходимы эффективные подходы в области производства и трансляции информации о ВС, применение различных каналов коммуникации для повышения престижа военной службы и доверительного отношения к ней. Необходимо грамотно и профессионально освещать деятельность Вооружённых сил в военных конфликтах. Эффективное информационное сопровождение участия армии в военных действиях (в том числе медийное) снижает возможности потенциальных противников по дискредитации Вооружённых сил. А целостный формируемый образ российской армии на международной арене повышает её силу в глазах мирового сообщества, позитивно влияет на экспорт вооружения в военное сотрудничество. В статье анализируется изменение образа российской армии на современном этапе ее функционирования. Опираясь на достижения отечественной политологии в сфере политической имиджелогии, автор акцентирует внимание на некоторых факторах и тенденциях, как отрицательных, так и положительных, создания имиджа Вооруженных Сил России. Представлена авторская периодизация трансформации имиджа армии. Предложены стратегические векторы его улучшения.

The article сonsiders ideological, political and cultural prerequisites of the Peter the Great state reforms that, according to the author, were formed long before the Peter`s Reformation, and had a significant impact on the course and model of the "regular" (military- police) state created by Peter the First. Among the main prerequisites are the etatization (nationalization) of society and the associated paternalistic nature of state relations, which formed the traditional foundations of national statehood and strengthened in the 17th century in the context of Russia's withdrawal from the Turmoil and the restoration of the national statehood destroyed in the time of troubles. The paper investigates the reasons for the formation of these features of the development of national statehood, the main of which the author proposes to search in the civilizational and geopolitical features of the formation and evolution of the Russian state, the weakness of the institutional foundations of Russian politics, stylistic peculiarities of Russian Orthodoxy and a number of other factors. ; Рассмотрены идейные и политико-культурные предпосылки петровских государственных преобразований, сформировавшиеся, по мнению автора статьи, задолго до петровской реформации и оказавшие значительное влияние на сам ход и саму модель созданного Петром I «регулярного» (военно-полицейского) государства. К числу основных из таких предпосылок отнесены этатизацию (огосударствление) общества и связанный с ней патерналистский характер государственных отношений, составлявших традиционные основы отечественной государственности и усилившиеся в XVII века условиях выхода России из Смуты и восстановления разрушенной в смутное время национальной государственности. Исследованы причины формирования указанных особенностей развития отечественной государственности, главные из которых предложено искать в цивилизационных и геополитических особенностях формирования и эволюции русского государства, слабости институциональных оснований русской политики, стилевых особенностях русского православия и ряда других факторов.

Военное укрепление Верное, основанное в середине XIX в. на юго-восточных окраинах Российской империи, располагалось вдали от центра государства с его бурной политической и общественной жизнью. Одновременно с этим в середине XIX в. в России возникает огромный интерес к отечественной истории, мемуаристике, внутренней политике и общественным наукам в целом, что влечет за собой появление невиданного до той поры количества периодических изданий. В настоящей работе исследуются упоминания о городе/укреплении Верном в «Отечественных записках», «Историческом вестнике», «Русском архиве», «Русском вестнике», «Русской старине», «Русской мысли», «Ниве» и ряде иных изданий. Выявленные в ходе исследования статьи и заметки, посвященные г. Верному, позволяют получить представление о том, чем именно запомнился город путешественникам, какие конкретно сведения о нём нашли отражение в исторических и общественно-политических журналах, выходящих между 1854 и 1917 гг. в Москве и Петербурге. ; Faithful military fortification, founded in the middle of the XIX century in the south-eastern outskirts of the Russian Empire, was located far from the center of the state with a turbulent political and social life. At the same time in the middle of the XIX century, there is interest in the history of Russia, memoirs, internal politics and social sciences in general, that leading to the emergence of an unprecedented hitherto the number of periodicals historical themes. This article explores references to the city / Verny Fortification in the "Historical Gazette", "Notes of the Fatherland", "Russian Archive", "Niva", "Russian Gazette", "Russian Antiquity", "Russian Thought" and a number of other publications. Identified during the study, articles and notes on the city of Verny allow us to get an idea of what exactly the city remembers to travelers, what specific information about it was reflected in historical journals published between 1854 and 1917 in Moscow and St. Petersburg.

The author of the article deals with the issue of corruption in the Republic of Poland between the 17th and 18th centuries. He starts with a definition of the notion of corruption and the spheres of life it covered. Subsequently, he makes an attempt to counteract corruption aiming at eliminating it from a social and political life. Despite all these attempts, it turned out to be impossible to eliminate corruption so tightly connected especially with a political life of the Polish-Lithuanian country. The issues of committed abuses during the parliamentary session and actions taken by the city, the representatives of which used corruption to realize their postulates in the Parliament are described. It also presents the examples of corrupting the rulers of the Republic of Poland, as well as its closest co-workers. One should notice that both the kings and the court used the same methods in their realization of political conceptions. Corruption actions taken by the foreign governments aiming at paralysing the Polish-Lithuanian politics and weakening the position of the country were regarded as especially dangerous for the Republic of Poland. The actions of corrupting the clerks making the foreign diplomats know many secrets of the Republic of Poland were alarming. The dissolution of the Parliament, paid by the foreign governments aiming at a political and military weakening of the Republic of Poland, and, thus, making it impossible to conduct the reform of the country had a tragic influence on the political history. Finally, the article also presents the issue of a political corruption functioning in during the interregnum when the associates in the battle for the Polish crown were being recruited by means of money.

The military conflict between Georgia, South Ossetia and Russia in August 2008 led to active involvement of the European Union in the peace-making activity. The EU Observer Mission in Georgia has been operating since October 2008. The Mission was to observe the conflict resolution and promotion of humanitarian actions for those who suffered in the warfare and the ethnical conflicts, so it became directly involved in the context of the Ossetian-Georgian, GeorgianAbkhasian and Russian-Georgian conflicts. The study of the information materials reflecting the Mission's activity shows that its interaction with Georgia was positive, which allowed it, on the one hand, to restrain the Georgian authorities from radical military actions of 8 August 2008, but on the other hand, to create the informational image of Georgia as a country striving for peace and effective resolution of its revolting autonomy's problems. As for Georgia's opponents, the Mission's activity allowed to fasten the withdrawal of Russian troops and provided Georgia with external protection from Russia's direct power politics. The Mission's website interprets South Ossetia, Abkhasia and Russia's refusal to let the Mission in the observed territory for permanent work as the countries' refusal to facilitate the real peace-making process. Thus, the idea promoted among Internet users is that the Russian authorities' actions break the "Medvedev-Sarkozy" plan and hinder conflict resolution. So, the Mission's activities do not correspond to the real peace-making activity, but rather to the EU's policy to reduce Russia's influence on the post-Soviet space. ; Военный конфликт августа 2008 г. между Грузией, Южной Осетией и Россией привел к активному включению в миротворческую деятельность Европейского Союза. С октября 2008 г. начала функционировать Миссия Наблюдателей Европейского Союза в Грузии (МНЕС). Призванная наблюдать за урегулированием конфликта и продвижением гуманитарных акций для пострадавших в ходе военных действий и межэтнических столкновений, МНЕС оказалась напрямую вовлечена в контекст осетино-грузинского, грузино-абхазского и российскогрузинского конфликтов. Изучение информационных материалов, в которых представлена деятельность МНЕС, показывает, что с Грузией взаимодействие носит позитивный характер, что позволяет с одной стороны, сдерживать грузинские власти от радикальных действий образца 8 августа 2008 г., с другой – создавать информационной образ Грузии как страны, стремящейся к миру и эффективному разрешению проблем своих мятежных автономий. Что касается противников Грузии, то активная деятельность МНЕС позволила ускорить вывод российских войск и обеспечить Грузии внешнеполитическое прикрытие от прямого силового давления со стороны России. На сайте МНЕС отказ Южной Осетии, Абхазии и России допустить Миссию наблюдателей для постоянной работы на подконтрольную территорию представляется Интернет-аудитории как нежелание РФ, осетин и абхазов способствовать реальному миротоворческому процессу. Таким образом продвигается мысль, что действия российского руководства являются нарушением плана "Медведева-Саркози" и мешают урегулированию конфликта. Таким образом, действия МНЕС соответствуют не только и не столько реальной миротворческой деятельности, сколько политике ЕС по уменьшению влияния РФ на постсоветском пространстве.