Suchergebnisse

This article considers the issue of commemoration of the French-Russian interaction during World War I and the Revolution and its description in Russian historiography. The author supposes that the study of issues of the French-Russian cooperation between 1914 and 1918 corresponds to the current public agenda and contemporary tendencies in historiography. These tendencies strive to overcome the "oblivion of World War I" and the ideological concepts of Soviet researchers in this field. At the same time, the cooperation between the two countries during World War I provides valuable examples of effective interaction that may become an integral part of the Russian politics of memory. More particularly, it means the activity of the French military mission in Russia and its local services, i.e. artillery, transport, and aviation missions. On the other hand, a comprehensive analysis of the activities of the French military mission could enrich the existing knowledge of the economic, social, and political conditions of the late Russian Empire and clarify certain subjects related to the activities of Bolsheviks in Russia. The author raises a question regarding the role of the professional community in opposing the mythology of public authorities and maintaining the conditions for a thorough exploration of the past. In order to reconstruct the activities of the French services between 1914 and 1918, the author refers to documents of the Historical Service of the French Ministry of Defence and public speeches of Russian politicians and public figures; additionally, the author considers historiography as a source representing "professional memory". The methodology of the research is based on the concepts of memorial culture and historical politics of A. Assmann, which considers historiography a special form of historical memory. ; Статья посвящена проблеме освещения в отечественной историографии и использования в коммеморативных практиках сюжетов, связанных с франко-русским взаимодействием в годы Первой мировой войны и революции. Автор полагает, что комплексная разработка темы франко-русского сотрудничества в 1914–1918 гг. отвечает как актуальной общественной повестке, так и современным историо­графическим трендам, ориентированным на преодоление «забвения Первой мировой» и тенденциозных концепций советских исследователей в этой области. Сотрудничество двух стран в годы Первой мировой войны богато примерами продуктивного взаимодействия, способными стать органичной частью отечественной политики памяти. В частности, таким примером может служить деятельность французской военной миссии в России, ее локальных служб — артиллерийской, транспортной, авиационной. С другой стороны, всестороннее изучение деятельности французской военной миссии позволит обогатить представления об экономическом, социальном и политическом состоянии поздней Российской империи, а также прояснить некоторые сюжеты, связанные с деятельностью большевиков в России. Автор поднимает проблему роли профессионального сообщества в противостоянии мифологии властных режимов и поддержании условий для глубокого изучения прошлого. В реконструкции деятельности французских служб в 1914–1918 гг. используются документы Исторической службы Министерства обороны Франции; общественно-политическая ситуация вокруг репрезентации франко-русского сотрудничества в годы мировой войны анализируется через публичные выступления политиков и общественных деятелей, через обращение к историографическому наследию. Методологический подход базируется на концепции изучения мемориальной культуры и исторической политики А. Ассман, рассмотрении историографии как особой формы исторической памяти.

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; The article describes the process of developing the Polish-Germany military cooperation in the 21st century. It presents the bases for the bilateral military relationships between Poland and Germany and shows their development. The paper underlines the role of Germany in the Polish participation in NATO. The Author describes the common initiatives after joining the Pact, especially the participation of Bundeswehr in training and technical modernisation of the Polish armed forces. He claims that after the year 2015, the Polish-German military cooperation will be a function of Germany's pragmatics and Poland's history politics. The main problem of the Polish government will be the German willingness to constantly build NATO military bases in Poland.

The article examines the question of the influence of the military on the politics of Thailand, starting with the Siamese revolution in 1932. The reasons for the intervention of the military in the events in 2006 and 2014 are elucidated. The influence of the military on the political institutions of Thai democracy is analyzed. A discussion on the concept of a coup d'état is opened. It is concluded that under the pretext of countering threats to state security, the military manages to achieve political and economic power, but this creates conditions that give rise to political instability and social disorder.Key words: Military influence, military intervention, coup d'état, constitutional monarchy, political power, political crisis. ; В статье рассматривается вопрос о влиянии военных на политику Таиланда начиная с сиамской революции 1932 г. Выясняются причины вмешательства военных в события 2006 и 2014 гг. Анализируется влияние военных на политические институты тайской демократии. Раскрывается суть дискуссии о понятии «государственный переворот». Делается вывод о том, что под предлогом противодействия угрозам государственной безопасности военным удается достичь политической и экономической власти, но это создает условия, порождающие политическую нестабильность и социальный беспорядок.Ключевые слова: военное влияние, военное вмешательство, государственный переворот, конституционная монархия, политическая власть, политическая кризис.

В статье раскрывается вклад военных специалистов царской армии, инженеров, гидрографов, штурманов, в организацию обороны Севастополя 1941–1942 гг. Выявленные персоналии и сведения об их участии в обороне города являются частью большого исследовательского проекта, посвященного малоизвестной теме использования опыта военспецов в становлении и военном строительстве на Черноморском флоте в 20–40-е гг. ХХ в. The article reveals the contribution of military specialists of the tsarist army, engineers, hydrographers, navigators, to the organization of the defense of Sevastopol in 1941–1942. Identified personalities and information about their participation in the defense of the city are a part of a large research project on a little-known topic of using the experience of military experts in the formation and military construction of the Black Sea Fleet in 1920-1940s. ; Ostrovskaya I. V. Use of experience of military experts in the organization of defense of Sevastopol in 1941 – 1942 / Ostrovskaya I. V. // // The Black Sea region. History, politics, culture. – No. Series B: Modern and Contemporary history. – Sevastopol: Sevastopol Branch of Lomonosov Moscow State University, 2017. – P. 46–52.

В статье осуществляется анализ сущности современной политики как политики «военизированного гуманизма», под которой понимается изнанка экспансии демократии, допускающей применение как угроз, так и самой силы, как использование санкций международных институтов, так и отказ от них, что, в свою очередь, позволяет нам предположить, что современный демократический мир осуществляется в формате «гуманитарной интервенции». «Военизированный гуманизм» как результат политики военных угроз, призванных мирно производить глобальные перемены, выступает также причиной размывания различий между войной и военной угрозой. Проблема толерантности, т. е. антиномичность толерантного разума, рассматривается в статье как следствие и в то же время условие возможности осуществления политики «военизированного гуманизма». = The author of this article analyses the essence of the modern politics as a policy of «military humanism», that is, the wrong side of the expansion of democracy, it allows using both the different threats and the force, employing both the sanction of international institutions and the rejection of them. So it is possibly for us to suppose that the modern democratic world is in the format of «humanitarian intervention». «Military humanism» is a result of the policy of military threats, which produce global changes peacefully; it is also the reason for eliminating the distinctions between the war and the military threat. The article examines the problem of tolerance, i. e. the antinomy of the tolerant reason as a result and at the same time a condition of possibility of the implementation of the policy of «military humanism».

Baltic Sea, as an area of strategic importance for Russia's policy toward Europe, has become a place of showcase of Russia's military might. Its primary purpose is to show the international community the level of determination Russian authorities express to make national interests of the Federation included in the global politics. The number of incidents which cannot be a ground for military action on a larger scale – even according to Russian conventions – requires a politico- military response by regional supranational organizations. The response should take the form of smart-power strategies and the formula of military involvement must go beyond purely defensive action in response to enemy action. Hence, it is necessary to determine the scope of comprehensive EU and NATO operations (due to the need to protect the territorial sovereignty of Sweden and Finland) to offset the forms of Russian incidental activities in a way that does not elevate political tension in the region. Such a reaction is possible through effective impact on forms of activities on the waters of the Baltic Sea, which are important for Russia, notably shipping. The European Union, and the European Maritime Safety Agency (EMSA) in particular, has appropriate instruments to create an effective impact. On the other hand, the role of the North Atlantic Treaty should be to prepare and conduct systematic and comprehensive operations which limit the possibility of encroaching on the treaty territory and protect the member states against Russia applying instruments of hybrid war. Key words: Baltic Sea, Russian national interests, NATO, The European Union

Раздел "Международные отношения" ; Статья посвящена сирийско-ливанским отношениям в период с 1989 г., когда было заключено Таифское соглашение, до начала военной операции США против Ирака 2003 г. Особое внимание уделяется влиянию Дамаска на внутреннюю политику соседнего государства и отношениям Сирии и Ливана в контексте региональной безопасности. = The article is devoted to Syrian-Lebanese relations in the period from 1989, when the Taif Agreement was signed, till the U.S. military operation against Iraq in 2003. Special attention is paid to the influence of Damascus on the domestic politics of neighboring states and the relations of Syria and Lebanon in the context of regional security.

The author proposes a periodization of industrial policy outlines the stages and presents a briefanalysis of their main content. The work considers a complex of management decisions taken by theparty regarding the military industry in the context of socio-economic and military-political events ofthat era. The evaluation of the Bolshevik experiment on building a socialist, command-bureaucraticmodel of economic management is given, and the reasons for its formation are examined. The articleshows the contradictory nature of the results of forced industrialization in the years of the first fiveyearplans, and the quality of the military-technical potential received is estimated. The transformationof the views of the Bolshevik party into the role of the military industry is shown: from a relativelyneutral one, conditioned by the need for stabilization, in anticipation of a «world revolution», to aclassical, Soviet approach that presupposed the paramount attention to the needs of military productionwithin the framework of building «socialism in a single country». ; Автором предложена периодизация промышленной политики, выделены этапы и представ-лен краткий анализ их основного содержания. Работа рассматривает комплекс управленческихрешений, принятых партией относительно военной промышленности в контексте социально-экономических и военно-политических событий той эпохи. Дана оценка большевистскомуэксперименту по построению социалистической, командно-бюрократической модели управ-ления экономики, рассмотрены причины ее формирования. В статье показан противоречивыйхарактер итогов форсированной индустриализации в годы первых пятилеток, дана оценкакачества полученного военно-технического потенциала. Показана трансформация взглядовбольшевистской партии на роль военной промышленности: от относительно нейтрального,обусловленного необходимостью стабилизации, в ожидании «мировой революции», до клас-сического, советского подхода, предполагавшего первостепенное внимание к нуждам военногопроизводства в рамках построения «социализма в отдельно взятой стране».

The role of war in the evolution of human society, the change of its scale. It is shown that the decline in morals and the growth of cynicism in international political relations in comparison with the past, led to non-compliance with the rules of warfare developed by the international community. The dependence of small States on the military confrontation of the key players in international politics, which turned the world into a single geostrategic space, is substantiated. ; Рассмотрена роль войны в эволюции человеческого общества, изменение ее масштабов. Показано, что падение нравов и рост цинизма в международных политических отношениях в сравнении с прошлым привело к несоблюдению выработанных международным сообществом правил ведения войн. Обоснована зависимость малых государств от военной конфронтации ключевых игроков международной политики, превративших мир в единое геостратегическое пространство.

After the end of the World War II neoconservatism has become the most significant political doctrine in the United States of America. Many neoconservatists were Trotskyists in the beginning, however, lately they have become associated with the Republicans. The neoconservative ideology's main aim is to justify the imperial role of the USA. Neoconservative intellectuals believe in the values of American policy (like liberal democracy and economic freedom) and are concerned about the necessity of promoting it in the rest of the world, which is usually accompanied by distrust towards states opposing those values. They support increasing defence and military spending. Neoconservatists influenced politics of majority of American presidents elected after 1945, especially Ronald Reagan and George W. Bush. ; Fundacja Studentów i Absolwentów Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego "Bratniak"

We live in a world ruled by liberal democracy. Moreover, it is becoming commonly launched that we have reached the end of politics, as we know it, and are experiencing the beginning of postpolitics. Political life is becoming deprived of its constituents in the name of the technical approach to political processes (postpolitical). Conflict as an immanent part of politics is also becoming a thing of the past, substituted with a win-win type of politics. In our postideological and postpolitical era everyone seems to accept this central consensus. Developing this thesis, the author deliberates on the resilience of a system based on an erroneous, in his opinion, presumption – the presumption of the end of politics and the beginning of the postpolitics, of which the project of deliberative democracy is a striking example. Relating to Mouffe, the author attempts to leverage the corner stone of deliberative democracy – faith in the possibility of disqualifying the essential correlate of democracy, which is inequality, or as Mouffe describes it herself "the element of indetermination". Following the theories of Mouffe, Laclau, Chomsky, or Wallerstein, the author claims that what we really need is a contestation of the status quo, which instead of a radical change of the political system or creating a new system from scratch would consist in creating a deft sewerage system of social frustrations and the ability to manage conflicts. That is exactly what the project of agonistic democracy should serve, in which a Schmittonian oposition of friend/enemy is replaced with an opposition of friend/opponent. The inability to treat political opponents as adversaries, as I substantiate with the example of the military, following Bacevich's terminology, foreign policy of the United States, leads on to the transformation of the language of politics into a language of morality and ethics. And from this point it is not far to the Manichaean visions and managing not politics but a crusade against the evil. The essay does not provide easy answers and the author is far from moralizing. His real aim is to provoke a discussion, an encouragement of critical thinking and search for truth, the truth – as Pinter put it – hidden somewhere in our life. According to the author it is critical, if democracy is to function.

We live in a world ruled by liberal democracy. Moreover, it is becoming commonly launched that we have reached the end of politics, as we know it, and are experiencing the beginning of postpolitics. Political life is becoming deprived of its constituents in the name of the technical approach to political processes (postpolitical). Conflict as an immanent part of politics is also becoming a thing of the past, substituted with a win-win type of politics. In our postideological and postpolitical era everyone seems to accept this central consensus. Developing this thesis, the author deliberates on the resilience of a system based on an erroneous, in his opinion, presumption – the presumption of the end of politics and the beginning of the postpolitics, of which the project of deliberative democracy is a striking example. Relating to Mouffe, the author attempts to leverage the corner stone of deliberative democracy – faith in the possibility of disqualifying the essential correlate of democracy, which is inequality, or as Mouffe describes it herself "the element of indetermination". Following the theories of Mouffe, Laclau, Chomsky, or Wallerstein, the author claims that what we really need is a contestation of the status quo, which instead of a radical change of the political system or creating a new system from scratch would consist in creating a deft sewerage system of social frustrations and the ability to manage conflicts. That is exactly what the project of agonistic democracy should serve, in which a Schmittonian oposition of friend/enemy is replaced with an opposition of friend/opponent. The inability to treat political opponents as adversaries, as I substantiate with the example of the military, following Bacevich's terminology, foreign policy of the United States, leads on to the transformation of the language of politics into a language of morality and ethics. And from this point it is not far to the Manichaean visions and managing not politics but a crusade against the evil. The essay does not provide easy answers and the author is far from moralizing. His real aim is to provoke a discussion, an encouragement of critical thinking and search for truth, the truth – as Pinter put it – hidden somewhere in our life. According to the author it is critical, if democracy is to function.

На основании архивных документов дается характеристика боевого и численного состава объединений, соединений и частей Крымского фронта, сформированного в конце января – феврале 1942 г.; обобщены сведения по сухопутным войскам и военно-воздушным силам этого фронта, а также упомянуты мероприятия по совершенствованию воинских структур. The article provides analysis of the combat strength of the associations, formations and units of the Crimean Front, formed in late January – February 1942 and summarizes information on ground forces and air forces of this front/ The article also points out the measures to improve military structures. ; Tkachenko S. N. Combat strength of the Crimean Front forces during its formation (January-February 1942) / Tkachenko S. N. // The Black Sea region. History, politics, culture. – No. Series B: Modern and Contemporary history. – Sevastopol: Sevastopol Branch of Lomonosov Moscow State University, 2017. – P. 58–64.

Some aspects of the defense industry evolution in Israel are covered, caused by the processes of globalization. The author basing on the empirical sources analysis shows that Israel through the implementation of well thought politics quite successfully prevented the degradation of the military-industrial base in the face of competition with large multinational corporations. The policy in this area is commented from the period when the Israel government for several reasons was faced with a choice between the possibilities to open the defense industry to foreign direct investment or to retain ownership of the country's defense-industrial base and to export the military equipment to foreign consumers. In the late 70-s of the XX century it was decided to carry out the defense-industrial self-maintenance policy. During the next 20 years the industrial complex was producing a full range of military equipment from everyday products to a science-intensive high-tech weaponry. Imported military equipment replaces by local production systems. As the next stage of this area development the period when the scope necessary for efficient production of major weapons systems or mass production of simpler products was not enough for the Israel companies is characterized. The further dynamics of the development of this area is traced ; Рассматриваются некоторые аспекты эволюции оборонной промышленности Израиля, вызванные процессами глобализации. Автор на основе проведенного анализа эмпирических источников, показывает, что Израилю путем реализации продуманной политики удалось довольно успешно предотвратить деградацию военно-промышленной базы в условиях конкуренции с крупными транснациональными корпорациями. Комментируется политика в этой области с периода, когда правительство Израиля по ряду причин встало перед выбором между возможностями открыть оборонную промышленность для прямых иностранных инвестиций или сохранить в собственности страны оборонно-промышленную базу и экспортировать производимое военное оборудование иностранным потребителям. В конце 70-х гг. XX века был взят курс на оборонно-промышленное самообеспечение. В течение последующих 20-ти лет промышленный комплекс страны производил полный диапазон военного оборудования от повседневных продуктов до сложнейшего наукоемкого вооружения. Импортное вооружение замещалось системами местного производства. В качестве следующего этапа развития этой области характеризуется период, когда израильским компаниям стало не хватать эффекта масштаба, необходимого для эффективного производства основных систем вооружения или массового выпуска более простых продуктов. Прослежена дальнейшая динамика развития этой области до сегодняшнего дня

The article is devoted to the analysis of Mussolini's views on the phenome-non of war. This leader, who achieved some success in reforming the economy, also led the armed forces and before the second world war strengthened Italy's position in world politics. The article traces the connection of Mussolini's views on the war with the military theories of both modernity and antiquity. In the context of uncertainty in the system of international relations, his ideas can not be of interest. ; Статья посвящена анализу взглядов Б. Муссолини на феномен войны. Этот лидер, добившийся определенных успехов в реформировании экономики, руководил также вооруженными силами и до начала Второй мировой войны укрепил позиции Италии в мировой политике. В статье прослеживается связь взглядов Муссолини на войну с военными теориями как современности, так и древности. В условиях неопределенности в системе международных отношений его идеи не могут не представлять интереса.