Suchergebnisse

Reviewed by: C. R. Jones, Chairman, Department of Administrative Sciences; Released by: W. M. Tolles, Dean of Research ; In an attempt to identify manpower, personnel, and training policy issues and research and development requirements associated with changes in the numbers and roles of women in the Navy, experts in various disciplines were asked to address the issues they saw as pertinent to an increased participation by women in the Navy. These experts delivered their views in oral briefing sessions with officers representing each of the branches of the United States armed forces, including the Coast Guard, at the Naval Postgraduate School, Monterey. The tape-recorded transcripts of these sessions, including questions from the audience, were edited for publication. The final version of this report was revised and updated (via footnotes) to reflect mid-1981 realities by Captain Yvonne M. Dupes, USN, Coordinator, Women in the Military, Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense. ; Prepared for: Naval Postgraduate School, Monterey, CA. ; Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

During the first two years after the Second World War, Britain took on the burden of defence arrangements for Western Europe and therefore had a special interest in the talks on military cooperation which began in September 1946 between Denmark, Norway and Sweden. These talks were primarily for the reconstruction of the armed forces of Norway and Sweden. The existence of these deliberations was revealed by the Russians at the latest in February 1947. Their confidential warning did not discourage the Scandinavians from continuing their military discussions, which were followed by consultations on a possible customs union between the three states. The proposed plans obviously angered the Kremlin who had reason to suspect a connexion with Western military integration. The resulting tension between the Soviet Union and the Scandinavian countries, especially Sweden, may have hurried the former to extend its FCMA (Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance) treaty system from Poland, Hungary and Rumania to Finland, despite the fact that Finland was not one of the 'peoples' democracies'.

North Korea's civil-military relations were modeled after the Soviet Union; South Korea's after the United States. Comparing both relationships, the author investigates a wide set of variables and finds the critical importance of local adaptation of the models initially introduced by the patron states. In both Koreas, the military has become a dominant political actor. In the north, however, military influence has become easily fused with the power structure headed by its supreme leader, Kim Il-sung; in South Korea, military control has been fragmented, lacking integration into the constructive leadership structure. The American model in South Korea has proven unworkable. Instead, it has created an ambivalent and uncertain relationship between the military and civilian sectors of power. The author maintains that in South Korea as in other developing nations, national development means a total effort. Military and civil powers must not be perceived in a dichotomous but in a judicious mix.

In the decade of the 1970s there will be an increase in the number and percent of women in the United States military. Trends indicate that this rise will move steadily but gradually from less than 2 percent women in the armed services to approximately 4 percent. Although the number and percent of women in uniform will remain small, their increase will assist in meeting the expected "short fall" in manpower. The trend to expand the number of women in the military will continue in the 1980s, but it seems unlikely that a 10-percent level, which could be considered possible, will be reached. Historically in industrialized countries women have been excluded from armed combat roles and significant positions in administration. They have served as nurses, secretaries, and clerks and in routine types of communications. Each service has made plans and proposals to increase the number of women and the variety of jobs open to them and to deal with other expressed dissatisfactions, such as living quarters and regulations related to the retention of the careers of married women. Additional problems of protocol between the sexes and the integration of women in the military will have to be faced. Although it is likely that the military will continue its tradition of excluding women from direct combat positions, with an increased emphasis on deterrence there will be an increase in the number of positions in which the "fighting spirit" is irrelevant, many of which will become available to women.

From the class meeting in Bruck in 1578 to Berlin Congress in 1878, i. e. from the very beginning till the end of its fundamental function, Military Border goes through various and very complex processes. Its problems in the 1850-ies are the topic of this paper. In spite of clear demands of political circles in Zagreb concerning the Military Border, the Monarchy in Vienna tries to protect it as a distinctly military institution that will not act against Hungary only but against national integration on the Balkan and Apenine Peninsula too. After the revolution in 1848/49 military and court circles in the Austrian monarchy invest special labours to turn the Military Border into a corpus separatum where military tradition will be further cherished, with corporal strictness, waiting for the development of events on the East, particularly in Bosnia and Herzegovina. With the presence of Vienna and Budapest, especially after 1849, solving of the Military Border question is affected strongly by the impulse coming just from Zagreb. Trying to gather around itself the separated Croatian territories as soon as possible, Zagreb supported in the Military Border question up to Austro-Hungarian agreement in 1867 the opinion about the need of administrative integration of military and civil territories of Croatia. But, because the administrative integration does not put in the first plan demilitarization of Military Border, there appear due to such political conception in Zagreb some fundamental prerequisites for the collaboration between military and royal circles in Vienna and Croatian politicians. However, this collaboration left no deeper traces in the Croatian politics. The last ''Basic Law of Military Border", accepted in 1850, rejects all the projects of political representation of Croatia about the future of Military Border. The project has been saved as Jelačić's "Military Border Foundation" from 1849. In spite of expectations of Croatian politicians the last "Military Border Foundation" from 1850 tries to contribute to stabilization of Military Border mechanism and to its preserving. This new Military Border's constitution, contrary to demands of Croatian representatives formulated in the "Military Border Foundation" in 1849, declares the whole Military Border to be a part of the imperial army. Although the basic intention of that Law was to subordinate social relationships in Military Border to its main task, i. e. to supply the Monarchy permanently with cheap army, still it did not succeed to stop the process of social differentiation and destruction of outlived forms of traditional Military Border society, In this paper are analyzed first of all those social phenomena in Military Border which point to the movement of the social structure and the crisis of traditional military-rural society. Besides problems of disharmony between legal superstructure and social reality there are analyzed the efforts of Croatian business circles to hold back - by means of concentrating merchants and craftsmen in Croatia under the ban and in Military Border - the Austrian capital existing for centuries in Military Border, that important part of Croatian territories.

Project no. 99-R003. ; Research study report. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; v. 1. Summary.--v. 2. Feasibility.--v. 3. Sample studies. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The differences between identity (replication of conditions), equivalence (similarities of values), and equity (perception of equivalence of outcome for effort made), relevant for comparison between the sexes, are explained. These differences in perception are related to a schematic analysis of strategies of possible environmental changes within a military organization, with the aim of creating conditions for optimal integration and well-being of the sexes within it. A methodfor evaluating the various strategies is offered and some implications of the possible strategies are discussed.

Research Study Report Project Number 99-R047. ; Includes bibliography. ; v. 1. Design manual.--v. 2. Data base.--v. 3. Project report. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Cross-national analysis of aggregate data has found a relationship between the military participation ratio and national economic growth rates and distributional inequality. This article examines one aspect of this macro-micro linkage by investigating the relationship between acculturation in the military and the attitudes and behavior of the most strategic sector of the Peruvian labor force. Military service retards the development of social consciousness among the working class, reduces their protest participation, and eases their integration into the hierarchy and discipline of the industrial work place. These findings suggest that military socialization may indeed affect growth rate by reducing worker-management and worker-state conflict. On the other hand, it would seem equally likely that the conservative effect of military acculturation contributes to increased inequality of income.