Suchergebnisse

Xin Gao,1,* Kun Zhang,1,* Shuang Cao,1,2,* Shuming Hou,1,* Tao Wang,1 Wen Guo,1,3 Zheyu Wu,1,4 Qi Jia,1 Tielong Liu,1 Jianru Xiao1 1Orthopaedic Oncology Center, Department of Orthopedics, Changzheng Hospital, Second Military Medical University, Shanghai, People's Republic of China; 2Department of Orthopedics, Third Affiliated Hospital of Anhui Medical University, Hefei, Anhui Province, People's Republic of China; 3Department of Orthopedics, Taizhou People's Hospital, Taizhou, Jiangsu Province, People's Republic of China; 4Department of Orthopedics, Zhongnan Hospital of Wuhan University, Wuhan, Hubei Province, People's Republic of China*These authors contributed equally to this workCorrespondence: Tielong Liu; Jianru XiaoOrthopaedic Oncology Center, Department of Orthopaedics, Changzheng Hospital, No. 415 Fengyang Road, Huangpu District, Shanghai, People's Republic of ChinaTel +0086-021-81886843Fax +0086-021-63520020Email liutielongvip@163.com; xiaojianruvip@163.comPurpose: Metastatic spinal cord compression (SCC) secondary to small cell lung cancer (SCLC) is a disastrous oncological emergency, but it is poorly understood due to the small numbers of patients and their short survival times. Whether patients suffered from SCC caused by metastatic SCLC benefit from spinal surgery remains unknown. The aim of this study was to evaluate the role of surgical treatment and prognostic factors in patients with SCC caused by metastatic SCLC.Methods: From 2009 to 2019, 30 consecutive patients surgically treated for metastatic SCC from SCLC were enrolled in this retrospective analysis. Kaplan–Meier method and Cox regression analysis were used to estimate overall survival (OS) and identify prognostic factors. Quality of life (QoL) was assessed by the three-level EuroQol-five-Dimensions (EQ-5D-3L) instrument and compared using Student's t test.Results: The median OS time was 9 months in our series. Relief of pain, preservation of neurological function, and improvement of performance status were achieved after surgical intervention. The mean EQ-5D-3L utility score showed a significant improvement after surgery (0.3394 preoperatively vs 0.5884 postoperatively). According to Cox regression analysis, postoperative ECOG-PS and immunotherapy were identified to be independent prognostic factors for patients with SCC caused by metastatic SCLC.Conclusion: Despite the short life expectancy, prompt surgical decompression is extremely necessary for patients with SCC caused by SCLC, for surgery played a critical role in improving patients' QoL. Better performance status after surgery and receiving immunotherapy were associated with a longer OS.Keywords: small cell lung cancer, spinal cord compression, surgery, quality of life, prognostic factor, immunotherapy

La situación de los kurdos en la región septentrional de Siria constituye uno de los apartados más delicados de la crisis actual en Siria, máxime tras el supuesto fin de la campaña contra el Estado Islámico y la ofensiva del ejército turco en zonas controladas por milicias kurdas en el norte del país. Para intentar aportar hipótesis de trabajo sobe el futuro inmediato de "Rojava", se inserta la cuestión en lo que llamamos "conflicto en flotación", el cual favorece, en primer lugar, un contexto favorable para la intervención directa de varias potencias regionales e internacionales con intereses contrapuestos y, en segundo lugar, la interrelación, positiva unas veces, antagónica otras, de las prioridades de estos actores externos. Este hecho origina una serie de mecanismos que rigen a su vez las dinámicas de los actores internos, que pasan a ser "contingentes". De este modo, las estrategias de rusos, iraníes, turcos y estadounidenses, por ejemplo, adquieren un protagonismo relevante, a la hora de definir la viabilidad del proyecto autonómico kurdo, por lo que su análisis aporta una pauta de gran utilidad para hacer una valoración general de la cuestión, sin obviar los condicionantes históricos, sociales y políticos domésticos que han configurado la eclosión del Kurdistán sirio como precaria entidad autónoma ; The situation of the Kurds in the northern region of Syria represents one of the most delicate issues of the ongoing Syrian crisis, specifically after the supposed end of the military campaign against ISIS and the Turkish offensive into North Eastern Syria. To help us provide a reference analysis, we rely on the basis of the "floating conflict", which generates a proper context for the direct intervention of regional and international powers with colliding interests, and the positive-negative interaction of the priorities of these external actors. This originates events that influence the dynamics of the internal actors -that can be defined as "contingent" ones-, as we can see, for instance, in the strategies adopted by Russians, Iranians, Turks and Americans regarding all the Syrian topics, above all the Kurdish one, and the very next future of the Autonomous Administration of Rojava. That is why a revision of what that floating scheme means might give us some clues in order to foresee the development of this affair, without obviating the social, historic and political factors that have shaped for centuries the reality of the Kurdish people in Syria

Purpose
This study aims to analyze the impact of Arab Revolution on the Arabian Gulf security by applying on Yemeni Revolution. This can be achieved by analyzing the threat of Arab Spring Revolutions to the national security of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries after the breakout of demonstrations and protests in some of the member states. In addition to its analysis of threat of the Regional Security of the Gulf as a result of Yemeni Revolution and Civil War and Iranian intervention to support Houthis within light of regional anarchy and security competition according to the Neorealism and how the GCC Countries face such threats.


Design/methodology/approach
The study depended on the historical methodology to track the developments of some events related to the Gulf Security and crisis in Yemen. Moreover, it used the analytical approach to analyze the impact of Arab Revolutions and Yemeni Civil War on the Arab Gulf Security. In addition, it depended on the realistic approach to explain the security state at the national and regional level of the Arab Gulf countries within light of regional anarchy, security competition and Iranian support to Houthis "Non-State Actors" (Kenneth Waltz), as well as the offensive realism (John Mearsheimer).


Findings
The Arab Revolutions had an effect on the national security of GCC countries according to the Neorealism due to the breakout of demonstrations and protests in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Sultanate of Oman which reached to the degree of threatening the existence of the state as in Bahrain. The Gulf Regional Security is influenced by Revolution and Civil War in Yemen as a result of that Iranian support to Houthis within light of security competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia, leading to the threat of the Arabian Gulf Security as Yemen is the southern gate to the GCC Countries and having joint borders with Saudi Arabia and Sultanate of Oman. Moreover, the GCC countries dealt with that threat individually, such as, performing internal reforms, or collectively through using military force, such as Bahrain and Yemen (Offensive Realism).


Originality/value
This study is an introduction to explain the Arab Spring Revolutions, conflict in Yemen and its threat to the Arab Gulf Security according to the Neorealism based on that the GCC countries sought to keep its existence and sovereignty in confrontation to the demonstrations and internal protests and to keep the regional security in confrontation to the threats of neighboring countries such as the Civil War in Yemen and the Iranian Support to Houthis in light of the regional anarchy.

Este artículo propone comparar representaciones del pasado traumático reciente en Argentina y Chile a partir de los testimonios recogidos en el filme Nostalgia de la luz de Patricio Guzmán, en la serie de fotografías Lo que se ve (1979-2007) de Adriana Lestido y en dos fotomontajes de Gustavo Germano perteneciente a la serie Ausencias. Tanto el filme como las imágenes evocan los vestigios ausentes (los cuerpos ausentes), ejecutados por las dictaduras militares en Argentina y Chile, a partir de la evocación y presencia de los familiares sobrevivientes. El trabajo propone analizar el régimen temporal traumático de los cuerpos desaparecidos y su contraste con la memoria afectiva, examinar la condición temporal iterativa heterocrónica del trauma en los regímenes escópicos sudamericanos contemporáneos e interrogar los usos del archivo mnemónico como intervención-instalación visual. ; This article proposes a comparison of representations of recent traumatic past in Argentina and Chile using the testimonies collected in the film Nostalgia for the Light by Patricio Guzmán, the photography series Lo que se ve (1979-2007) by Adriana Lestido, and two photographic compositions by Gustavo Germano belonging to the series Ausencias. Both the film and the photographs refer to absent traces (absent bodies), killed during Military Dictatorships in Argentina and Chile, using the memories and testimony of surviving relatives. The work proposes to analyze the temporal traumatic regime of disappeared bodies and their contrast with affective memory, examine the iterative, heterochronic temporal condition of trauma in the contemporary scopic Latin American regimes, and interrogate the uses of mnemonic archive as a visual (political) intervention- (artistic) installation. ; Este artigo propõe comparar representações do passado traumático recente na Argentina e no Chile a partir de testemunhos reunidos no filme Nostalgia de la luz de Patricio Guzmán, na série fotográfica Lo que se ve (1979-2007) de Adriana Lestido e em duas fotomontagens de Gustavo Germano, pertencentes à série Ausencias. Tanto o filme como as imagens evocam os vestígios ausentes (os corpos ausentes), executados pelas ditaduras militares na Argentina e no Chile, a partir da evocação e presença dos familiares sobreviventes. O trabalho propõe analisar o regime temporal traumático dos corpos desaparecidos e seu contraste com a memória afetiva, além de examinar a condição temporal interativa heterocrônica do trauma nos regimes escópicos sul-americanos contemporâneos e interrogar os usos do arquivo mnemônico como intervenção-instalação visual.

Рассматривается вопрос о создании образа Бельгии как «жертвы германской агрессии» во время Первой мировой войны. Данный образ был одним из средств воздействия на сознание британцев и побуждения их к вступлению в вооруженные силы Соединенного Королевства, чтобы бороться с Германией как с «внешней угрозой». Для оправдания собственных действий по вынужденному применению вооруженной силы и предотвращению агрессии, вызванной интервенцией немецких войск на территорию Бельгии, в британской периодической печати получил распространение сюжет об «ее изнасиловании». В современной исторической науке, особенно британской, этот вопрос широко изучается. Однако ученые-историки при его исследовании не учитывают всеобъемлющий характер этого агитационного сюжета. Поэтому автор ставит целью рассмотреть сюжет об «изнасиловании Бельгии» в контексте развития «образа жертвы» в британской пропаганде периода Первой мировой войны. Основная задача заключается в выявлении особенностей его влияния на процесс формирования целостного образа Германии как «внешнего врага». Проведенное исследование позволяет сделать вывод, что сформированный в период военного конфликта образ Бельгии как «жертвы германской агрессии» в пропаганде носил всеобъемлющий характер. В результате сложившийся целостный сюжет об «ее изнасиловании» стал одним из основных пропагандистских сюжетов на протяжении Первой мировой войны. ; The article deals with the development of the image of Belgium as a "victim of German aggression" during the First World War. This image was one of the means of influencing the British consciousness and urging them to join the armed forces of the United Kingdom in order to fight Germany as an "external threat". To justify their own actions on the forced use of armed force and to prevent aggression caused by the intervention of the German troops in Belgium, the British periodical published a story about "its rape". In modern historical science, especially British, this issue is widely studied. However, historians in his study did not take into account the comprehensive nature of this campaign story. Therefore, the author aims to consider the plot of the "rape of Belgium" in the context of the development of the "victim image" in the British propaganda of the First World War. The main task is to identify the features of its influence on the process of forming a holistic image of Germany as an "external enemy". The study conducted allows us to conclude that the image of Belgium formed as a "victim of German aggression" in propaganda formed during the military conflict was comprehensive. As a result, the established holistic storyline about "its rape" became one of the main propaganda stories during the First World War.

Robert J Barry,1,2 Freda Sii,1,3 Alice Bruynseels,1 Joseph Abbott,4 Richard J Blanch,1–2,5 Caroline J MacEwen,6 Peter Shah1,3,7–81Department of Ophthalmology, Queen Elizabeth Hospital Birmingham, University Hospitals Birmingham NHS Foundation Trust, Birmingham, UK; 2Neuroscience and Ophthalmology, Institute of Inflammation and Ageing, University of Birmingham, Birmingham, UK; 3Birmingham Institute for Glaucoma Research, Institute of Translational Medicine, University Hospitals Birmingham NHS Foundation Trust, Birmingham, UK; 4Department of Ophthalmology, Birmingham Children's Hospital NHS Foundation Trust, Birmingham, UK; 5Academic Department of Military Surgery and Trauma, Royal Centre for Defence Medicine, Dundee, UK; 6Department of Ophthalmology, Ninewells Hospital and Medical School, Dundee, UK; 7University College London, London, UK; 8Centre for Health and Social Care Improvement, School of Health and Wellbeing, University of Wolverhampton, Wolverhampton, UKPurpose: Worldwide, as many as 6 million children annually sustain ocular trauma, with up to a quarter of a million children requiring hospitalization. Management of pediatric ocular trauma differs from that in adults, both in terms of initial assessment and acute intervention, with significant variation in practice between different centers. Patterns of healing and long-term outcomes are also very different for children compared to adults. In order to develop effective protocols for management, it is first necessary to understand current trends in presentation and treatment.Methods: We conducted a prospective, observational study of pediatric ocular trauma presenting to UK-based ophthalmologists over a one-year period; reporting cards were distributed by the British Ophthalmic Surveillance Unit, and clinicians were asked to report cases of acute orbital and ocular trauma in children aged 16 years or less requiring inpatient or day-case admission. A validated, standardized questionnaire was sent to reporting ophthalmologists to collect data on clinical features and initial management of injury.Results: Eighty-six episodes of pediatric ocular trauma were reported. Trauma involving the globe was reported in 66/86 patients (76.7%), of which 40/66 (60.1%) were open-globe. Trauma to the anterior segment was reported in 57/86 (66.3%), and posterior segment in 23/86 patients (26.7%). Twenty-five of 86 (29.1%) patients sustained severe trauma defined as having best-corrected visual acuity worse than 6/60 Snellen (incidence 0.19 per 100,000 population).Conclusions: There has been no improvement in the incidence or severity of pediatric ocular injury rates over the past 25 years. Eye-care providers must be able to provide the necessary services for assessment and management of severe pediatric ocular trauma in the emergency setting.Keywords: childhood eye injury, incidence, management, penetrating eye injury, perforating eye injury, presentation, prevention

More than two thirds of the Earth's surface is covered by water. The oceans and seas host a great amount of species of animals and plants making up ecosystems with a great biodiversity.Moreover, they represent a great of renewable and nonrenewable energy sources for the benefit of the humankind. The underwater robotics represent a solution to solve diverse tasks in underwater environments without the intervention of a human operator. During the last decades, the autonomous underwater vehicles have had a remarkable development and they have been gradually involved in various areas like the scientific, commercial and military ones, facing progressively more challenging operating scenarios. Thanks to the impressive advances developed nowadays in the computational, battery technology, miniaturization electronic systems and navigation sensors fields, the autonomous underwater vehicles have become technological devices with greater capabilities to accomplish autonomous tasks. This make it possible to state new approaches in order to give autonomy (or intelligence) to these vehicles by using processing systems and decision-making algorithms on board, namely controllers. The design of controllers obey tothe application of mathematical techniques and theories to fulfill prescribed operational features for the underwater vehicles when they perform an autonomous task. ; Más de dos terceras partes de la superficie del planeta Tierra están cubiertas de agua, lo cual es vital para la biodiversidad que habita en ella. Además, los mares y los océanos representan una fuente de energías renovables y no renovables para el beneficio de los seres humanos. La robótica submarina, representa una solución para resolver diversas tareas en ambientes subacuáticos sin la intervención de un operador humano. Durante las últimas décadas vehículos submarinos autónomos han sido desarrollados tenido un desarrollo notable. Los vehículos submarinos autónomos se han ido involucrando progresivamente con diversos ámbitos, enfrentando escenarios de operación desafiantes, teniendo aplicaciones científicas, comerciales y militares. Los avances impresionantes desarrollados actualmente en los campos; computacional, de tecnología de baterías, de la miniaturización de sistemas electrónicos y en una gran variedad de sensores de navegación, los vehículos submarinos autónomos se han convertido en dispositivos tecnológicos con mayores capacidades para desarrollar tareas autónomas. Esto permite poder plantear nuevos enfoques para dotar de autonomía (o inteligencia) a estos vehículos utilizando sistemas de procesamiento y toma de decisiones a bordo, llamados controladores. El diseño de los controladores obedece a la aplicación de técnicas y teorías matemáticas para cumplir con características de funcionamiento deseadas que los vehículos submarinos deben tener cuando desarrollan una tarea autónoma

El presente artículo se propone establecer un análisis comparado de dos films que entablan, de algún modo, un diálogo entre sí: Todo es ausencia (Rodolfo Kuhn, 1984) y En nombre de Dios (Patricio Guzmán, 1987). Se trata de dos documentales realizados por cineastas latinoamericanos exiliados para Tele­visión Española hacia la década de los ochenta, los cuales tematizan el vínculo que la Iglesia católica mantuvo con las cúpulas de poder y con la causa popular durante las dictaduras militares que afectaron a Argentina y Chile en las dé­cadas de los setenta y ochenta. En términos específicos, el artículo intentará analizar el tratamiento fílmico que estos documentales plantearon sobre la represión, las relaciones institucionales —especialmente las que vinculan a la Iglesia católica—, las modalidades de intervención sobre el espacio público y las tipologías de resistencia en ambos países vecinos. En especial, nos interesa­remos por el tipo de materiales de los que se nutre cada documental —testimo­nios, metraje de archivo, registro, etc— y su respectivo peso dramático. A partir de un recorrido por estos ejes de análisis, el presente artículo aspira a proponer una mirada comparada en torno a los modos de construcción y elaboración del pasado dictatorial en Argentina y en Chile.Palabras clave: cine, documental, dictadura, transición democrática, Chile, Argentina.Abstract The present article aims to establish a comparative analysis of two films which, in a way, partake in a dialogue: Todo es ausencia (Rodolfo Kuhn, 1984) and En nombre de Dios (Patricio Guzmán, 1987). These two documentaries, made by exiled Latin American filmmakers for Televisión Española during the 1980s, focus on the link held by the Catholic Church with the highest spheres of power, as well as with the «popular cause», during the military dictatorships that affected Argentina and Chile in the decades of 1970 and 1980. In specific terms, the article will attempt to analyze the cinematographic treatment that these documentaries offer about repression, institutional relations —especially those involving the Catholic Church—, modes of intervention in public spaces, and the typologies of resistance in these neighboring countries. In particular, we are interested in the kind of materials that nourish each documentary —testimonies, archive footage, film registers, etc. —and their respective dramatic effect. By way of tour through these analytical axes, the present article aspires to propose a comparative view around the modes of construction and elaboration of the dictatorial past in Argentina and Chile.Keywords: cinema, documentary, dictatorship, transition to democracy, Chile, Argentina.

Some public administration literature that focuses on public administration reform indulges in constructing grand narrative theories such as New Public Management (NPM), or New Governance (NG). The most recent such theory that has been gaining attention over the past decade is the Neo Weberian State (NWS). The content of the theory with regard to its practical implication when it comes to reform is still unsettled. However, one key assumption behind the NWS is that reforms should be handled with care, as they may undermine the very institutions that have brought Western societies to the levels of their development they are in now. NPM's drive to increase efficiency, and NG's - democracy from the point of view of NWS is impossible if reforms deconstruct institutions that ensure the protection of the public interest and rule of law. NWS's critique of post-communist reform efforts in the new eastern EU member-states is a case in point suggesting that leapfrogging the construction of a professional bureaucracy is ill-advised and does not lead to politically desired outcomes. In this paper we aim to evaluate which path of reform may lead to the best outcomes in a particular area of the public service - two non-military uniformed services of Lithuania - customs and penitentiary. These services have to a large degree avoided sweeping reforms throughout the independence period, in both cases - a soviet institutional legacy is also a factor. Both Customs and the Penitentiary service are suffering from multiple corruption scandals and very low public trust levels. These services are continuously in the crosshairs of reform, but few have been clearly articulated, even less so - implemented. Applying NPM to uniformed services, due to the nature of their functions was complicated, so as reforms in the 1990s and 2000s went along in the other sectors, policy-makers have largely left uniformed to their own devices, and this has led to retrenchment of the bureaucratic principles as would historical institutionalisms theory predict. We suggest that NPM-oriented governance avoids intervention in areas where NPM principles are hard to apply, leaving such areas without proper attention to continue down undesirable development paths. When the deconstruction of a hierarchy appears impossible, higher order governance needs to remain modelled as hierarchy as well. NWS in this case does offer a management modernization agenda, which could keep state institutions in step with social, technological, and economic developments.

The United States of America has significant international standing. That is why a researcher cannot but take into account the political preferences of the USA investigating problematic issues of the world politics. The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze the US foreign policy in the Baltic region through the analysis of the American administrations views on the Baltic States. The current situation in the political arena and strained relations caused by the Ukrainian crisis make my work relevant and enhance its significance. The Baltic region is strategically very important for the region, so regional countries support is very important to the USA. It helps it to gain a foothold in the strategically important points of the continent and to strengthen control. The subject of the thesis is the foreign policy of the United States of America in the Baltic region. The following issues are considered in the thesis: the relations between the USA and the Baltic States from a historical perspective; President Obama's foreign policy towards the Baltic States; factors that the USA used while forming the foreign and domestic policy of the Baltic region; the prospects of the relations between the USA and the Baltic States; and the role and importance of the Baltic region in the USA foreign policy. Referring to the neoliberal theory and the concept of soft power the research highlights the fact that the military expansion of the USA still exists but at the same time it is taking on a new meaning and being applied through new instruments. As a result, NATO presence in the Baltic region is not considered by states of the region as occupation or a threat to the sovereignty or intervention in the internal affairs. For the Baltic States, the USA and NATO actions are positive and they look like the guarantors of stability in the region deterring the aggressor. Besides, I argue that the concept of soft power, which became very popular during President Obama's Administration, provides a very accurate description of the USA modern policy on the world arena, when troops do not mean war and destruction, but maintaining peace and prosperity of the nation. The thesis shows how the American politicians use mechanisms of soft power involving different international actors in the decision-making process as well as using economic and cultural levers of influence. As a consequence, there is a process of evolution of American militarism in case of implementation of the Baltic States mechanisms of soft power.

Some public administration literature that focuses on public administration reform indulges in constructing grand narrative theories such as New Public Management (NPM), or New Governance (NG). The most recent such theory that has been gaining attention over the past decade is the Neo Weberian State (NWS). The content of the theory with regard to its practical implication when it comes to reform is still unsettled. However, one key assumption behind the NWS is that reforms should be handled with care, as they may undermine the very institutions that have brought Western societies to the levels of their development they are in now. NPM's drive to increase efficiency, and NG's - democracy from the point of view of NWS is impossible if reforms deconstruct institutions that ensure the protection of the public interest and rule of law. NWS's critique of post-communist reform efforts in the new eastern EU member-states is a case in point suggesting that leapfrogging the construction of a professional bureaucracy is ill-advised and does not lead to politically desired outcomes. In this paper we aim to evaluate which path of reform may lead to the best outcomes in a particular area of the public service - two non-military uniformed services of Lithuania - customs and penitentiary. These services have to a large degree avoided sweeping reforms throughout the independence period, in both cases - a soviet institutional legacy is also a factor. Both Customs and the Penitentiary service are suffering from multiple corruption scandals and very low public trust levels. These services are continuously in the crosshairs of reform, but few have been clearly articulated, even less so - implemented. Applying NPM to uniformed services, due to the nature of their functions was complicated, so as reforms in the 1990s and 2000s went along in the other sectors, policy-makers have largely left uniformed to their own devices, and this has led to retrenchment of the bureaucratic principles as would historical institutionalisms theory predict. We suggest that NPM-oriented governance avoids intervention in areas where NPM principles are hard to apply, leaving such areas without proper attention to continue down undesirable development paths. When the deconstruction of a hierarchy appears impossible, higher order governance needs to remain modelled as hierarchy as well. NWS in this case does offer a management modernization agenda, which could keep state institutions in step with social, technological, and economic developments.

Jacek PolaÅ"ski,1 Mariusz Chabowski,2,3 Beata Jankowska-PolaÅ"ska,4 Dariusz Janczak,2,3 Joanna RosiÅ"czuk5,6 1Lower Silesian Oncology Center, Home Hospice, Wroclaw, Poland; 2Division of Surgical Procedures, Department of Clinical Nursing, Faculty of Health Science, Wroclaw Medical University, Wroclaw, Poland; 3Department of Surgery, 4th Military Teaching Hospital, Wroclaw, Poland; 4Department of Clinical Nursing, Faculty of Health Science, Wroclaw Medical University, Wroclaw, Poland; 5Department of Nervous System Diseases, Faculty of Health Science, Wroclaw Medical University, Wroclaw, Poland; 6Department of Clinical Nursing, Faculty of Health Science, Wroclaw Medical University, Wroclaw, Poland Introduction: Histologic classification of lung cancer plays an important role in clinical practice. Two main histological subtype of lung cancer: small-cell lung cancer (SCLC) and nonsmall-cell lung cancer (NSCLC) differ in terms of invasiveness, response to treatment, and risk factors, among others.Aims: To evaluate differences in acceptance of illness, level of perceived pain, and quality of life (QoL) between patients with SCLC and NSCLC.Materials and methods: Two hundred and fifty-seven lung cancer patients, who were treated in 2015, completed Acceptance of Illness Scale, Visual Analog Scale for pain, and European Organization for Research and Treatment of Cancer 30-item Core Quality of Life Questionnaire and European Organization for Research and Treatment of Cancer 13-item Lung Cancer specific Quality of Life Questionnaire. Clinical and sociodemographic data were collected. For statistical analysis, the Student t-test and the Mann–Whitney U test were used. For comparisons among three or more groups, analysis of variance was employed.Results: Patients with SCLC had significantly worse health as measured with the presence of metastases, parameters of lung function, comorbidities, and number of previous hospitalizations. The Acceptance of Illness Scale score and Visual Analog Scale score were significantly worse in patients with SCLC than in those with NSCLC (24.58±8.73 vs 27.05±9.06; p=0.046 and 4.81±2.01 vs 4.17±1.97; p=0.003). Patients with SCLC achieved worse scores of all aspects of QoL than patients with NSCLC. Comparison with the reference values showed that all dimensions of functioning are impaired in patients with lung cancer regardless of its type; only the role functioning in patients with NSCLC remains unaffected.Conclusion: Monitoring of QoL, personalized approach to treatment, and interventions for symptom management should be conducted in a tailored manner. Socioeconomic status in lung cancer patients, especially those suffering from SCLC, needs to be addressed. Keywords: Acceptance of Illness Scale, Visual Analog Scale for pain, lung cancer, quality of life, QLQ-C30 and QLQ-LC13

En el presente artículo se examina la posición editorial sostenida por La Nación uno de los diarios más antiguos de la Argentina. Exponente del pensamiento liberal confrontó con las políticas estatistas del peronismo, así como también con la sindicalización masiva de trabajadores ocurrida en el decenio 1945-1955, posicionamiento que mantendría hasta el tercer gobierno justicialista. A este último, tanto como a las organizaciones armadas y al sindicalismo los responsabilizaría de la crisis del país, propiciando el golpe cívico militar de 1976y la legitimación del terrorismo de Estado para restaurar el "orden". Desde entonces, avaló la intervención a los gremios y silenció la desaparición y el presidio de centenares de dirigentes sindicales. Después de la derrota en las Malvinas el 14 de junio de 1982, comenzaría la transición hacia la democracia en el país. Entonces, el matutino examinado, a pesar de reconocer la crisis económica y social existente, destinaría una importante cantidad de editoriales para fustigar las medidas de fuerza ejecutadas por los sindicatos y las centrales obreras, acusándolos de actuar por intereses personales, partidistas y hasta subversivos que terminarían atentando no sólo contra el proceso de democratización, sino contra la convivencia social. ; This article examines the editorial position held by La Nación, one of the oldest newspapers in Argentina. An exponent of liberal thinking confronted with the statist policies of Peronism, as well as with the massive unionization of workers that occurred in the 1945-1955 decade, a position that would maintain the Third Peronist government. The latter, as well as armed organizations and trade unionism, would hold them accountable for the country's crisis, propitiating the 1976 military coup and legitimizing state terrorism to restore "order." Since then, he endorsed the intervention of the guilds and silenced the disappearance and imprisonment of hundreds of trade union leaders. After the defeat in the Malvinas on June 14, 1982, the transition to democracy in the country would begin. Thus, despite the recognition of the existing economic and social crisis, the newspaper examined a large number of publishers to attack the measures of force carried out by the trade unions and the workers' organizations, accusing them of acting for personal, partisan and even subversive interests, would end up attacking not only the process of democratization, but against social coexistence. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación (FAHCE)

La tesi tratta dell'epurazione avvenuta all'interno del mondo universitario italiano dopo la caduta del fascismo. In essa si analizzano sia le misure adottate dagli Alleati, attraverso il Governo Militare e la Commissione di Controllo che avevano istituito per amministrare i territori occupati, sia i procedimenti di epurazione diretti dagli organismi italiani, fino alle leggi del 1948-49 che consentirono il ritorno in cattedra a quasi tutti gli epurati. Infatti, nonostante la grande profusione di energie che aveva portato in un primo tempo all'allontanamento di 177 professori, ridotti poi a 50 dopo il benevolo esame dei giudici italiani, dal 1946 il governo De Gasperi si impegnò a favorire il rientro in servizio di tutti gli epurati, secondo una precisa volontà politica di perdono e pacificazione. Non manca una disamina sulle reazioni interne alla casta accademica, che configurano nel complesso una chiusura nei confronti dell'epurazione, rivelando un marcato spirito di corpo. Alla fine del processo, escludendo i docenti deceduti nel frattempo, furono solamente 11 quelli che non tornarono più in servizio. È inoltre presente, in appendice alla tesi, una raccolta di schede relative ai casi di 197 professori di ruolo, in cui si ricostruisce individualmente l'iter dei procedimenti di epurazione. ; This thesis is about the purge of the Italian universities after the fall of the fascist regime. It includes both the interventions of the Allies, with the Military Government and the Control Commission that they established to control the occupied territories, and the legal actions undertaken by the Italian courts, and also the 1948-49 laws which allowed the comeback of most of the dismissed professors. Even though the great efforts of both the Allies and the Italians which led to the layoff of 177 full professors, later reduced to 50 after the forgiving judgment of the Italian justice, after the end of the war the De Gasperi cabinet supported the reinstatement of those who were purged, following a precise political will of forgiveness and appeasement. It is also included a close examination of the reactions by the academic community, which show a rejection against the purging process and a pronounced group spirit. At the end of the process, only 11 full professors didn't get their jobs back, not counting the ones who died in the meantime. Finally, there's an appendix which collects the cases of 197 full professors involved in the purge, where is summarized the evolving of their purging procedures.

Este capítulo reseña los principales resultados de una investigación sobre la producción intelectual en educación durante los años de la dictadura desde la clave analítica de los cambios de problemática y desplazamientos conceptuales operados en el pensamiento socio-educativo en términos de innovaciones teóricas. En esta dirección, el trabajo articula dos grandes líneas de análisis: la primera se dirige a reconstruir los debates teórico-políticos y educativos, a partir de las intervenciones de los distintos individuos y/o grupos, que están en la base de los procesos de revisión crítica de la experiencia político-educativa anterior y de reformulación teórica del pensamiento socio-educativo. La segunda línea de análisis se organiza, por un lado, al análisis de las continuidades y rupturas en el pensamiento socio-educativo de las décadas del sesenta y setenta con respecto al producido durante el período de la dictadura militar, y por otro lado, profundiza en el derrotero y trayectoria intelectual de los intelectuales y expertos en educación de activa participación en las década precedentes como también de aquellos jóvenes investigadores y las nuevas formaciones que durante este período se incorporaran a los debates y que tendrán un papel relevante durante los años de la transición democrática. ; This chapter presents the main results of research on intellectual production in education during the years of the dictatorship from the analytical key changes operated problems and conceptual shifts in the socio-educational thinking in terms of theoretical innovations. In this direction, the work articulates two lines of analysis: the first is aimed at rebuilding the theoretical and political and educational debates, from the interventions of different individuals and / or groups that are the basis of the review process criticism of the previous political-educational experience and theoretical reformulation of socio-educational thinking. The second line of analysis is organized on the one hand, the analysis of the continuities and ruptures in the socio-educational thought of the sixties and seventies with respect to that produced during the period of the military dictatorship, and on the other hand, deepens in the course and intellectual trajectory of intellectuals and experts in education from active participation in the decade preceding as well as those young researchers and new formations during this period they were incorporated into the discussions and that will have an important role during the years of the democratic transition. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación