Suchergebnisse

This thesis examines the arguments and the modalities of justification of the military interventions of States, of the coalitions of the willing and of the regional organizations in the internal conflicts of other States by virtue of the international law, when these interventions take place outside the framework of the UNO. This type of intervention is current nowadays given that the intra-state conflicts constitute the overwhelming majority of world conflicts and taking into consideration the multidimensional crisis of the UNO. The justifications invoked by States as well as by the doctrine aim to legalize or at least to legitimize what would be considered at first sight as an illegal use of force under the law of the United Nations and in particular under the principle of non- intervention in civil wars. ; Cette thèse examine les arguments et les modalités de justification des interventions armées des Etats, des coalitions étatiques et des organisations régionales dans les conflits internes d'autres Etats sous le prisme du droit international, lorsque ces interventions sont menées en dehors du cadre de l'ONU. Ce type d'intervention caractérise notre époque où les conflits intra-étatiques constituent l'écrasante majorité des conflits mondiaux et où l'ONU traverse une crise pluridimensionnelle. Les justifications, invoquées aussi bien par les Etats que par la doctrine, visent à légaliser ou du moins à légitimer ce qui serait, à première vue, considéré comme un recours à la force illégal au regard du droit des Nations Unies et en particulier au regard du principe de non intervention dans les guerres civiles.

The United States has been traditionally accused of having no real African policy. A period seems to avoid this statement because it was particularly rich in this domain. It is the period covering the years 1975 to 1995 and particularly the Southern Africa area. This foreign policy has however been fluctuating according to presidencies and influenced so much by the cold war and by the imperatives of national politics.After the collapse of the Portuguese empire, the United States have been taken by surprise in this strategic region in various areas. With the end of the Vietnam war, Cuba and the USSR launched an expansionist policy in Africa. These two parameters will create the conditions for a resurgence of interest of this region and give South Africa a key role when public opinions started to be more engaged against apartheid.The features and components of this policy, the decision-making process with multiple and varied actors are a particularly rich subject of study. What is the real part of the regional approach to a more holistic one? What are the specificities of Democratic and Republican administrations?At the military level, there has been some leniency towards the South African nuclear and biological program and the maintenance of the strong linkage between the military of both countries. The use of the CIA's covert operations, Mobutu's Zaire support, NATO's involvement and the resistance of the frontline states are all aspects of this rich history. ; Les États-Unis ont traditionnellement été accusés de ne pas avoir de réelle politique africaine. Une période semble échapper à cette affirmation car elle a été particulièrement riche dans ce domaine. Il s'agit des années 1975 à 1995 et particulièrement de la zone de l'Afrique australe. Cette politique étrangère a néanmoins été fluctuante au gré des présidences et influencée tant par la guerre froide et par des impératifs de politique nationale.Après l'effondrement de l'empire portugais, les États-Unis sont pris au dépourvu dans cette région stratégique à ...

The United States has been traditionally accused of having no real African policy. A period seems to avoid this statement because it was particularly rich in this domain. It is the period covering the years 1975 to 1995 and particularly the Southern Africa area. This foreign policy has however been fluctuating according to presidencies and influenced so much by the cold war and by the imperatives of national politics.After the collapse of the Portuguese empire, the United States have been taken by surprise in this strategic region in various areas. With the end of the Vietnam war, Cuba and the USSR launched an expansionist policy in Africa. These two parameters will create the conditions for a resurgence of interest of this region and give South Africa a key role when public opinions started to be more engaged against apartheid.The features and components of this policy, the decision-making process with multiple and varied actors are a particularly rich subject of study. What is the real part of the regional approach to a more holistic one? What are the specificities of Democratic and Republican administrations?At the military level, there has been some leniency towards the South African nuclear and biological program and the maintenance of the strong linkage between the military of both countries. The use of the CIA's covert operations, Mobutu's Zaire support, NATO's involvement and the resistance of the frontline states are all aspects of this rich history. ; Les États-Unis ont traditionnellement été accusés de ne pas avoir de réelle politique africaine. Une période semble échapper à cette affirmation car elle a été particulièrement riche dans ce domaine. Il s'agit des années 1975 à 1995 et particulièrement de la zone de l'Afrique australe. Cette politique étrangère a néanmoins été fluctuante au gré des présidences et influencée tant par la guerre froide et par des impératifs de politique nationale.Après l'effondrement de l'empire portugais, les États-Unis sont pris au dépourvu dans cette région stratégique à ...

The United States has been traditionally accused of having no real African policy. A period seems to avoid this statement because it was particularly rich in this domain. It is the period covering the years 1975 to 1995 and particularly the Southern Africa area. This foreign policy has however been fluctuating according to presidencies and influenced so much by the cold war and by the imperatives of national politics.After the collapse of the Portuguese empire, the United States have been taken by surprise in this strategic region in various areas. With the end of the Vietnam war, Cuba and the USSR launched an expansionist policy in Africa. These two parameters will create the conditions for a resurgence of interest of this region and give South Africa a key role when public opinions started to be more engaged against apartheid.The features and components of this policy, the decision-making process with multiple and varied actors are a particularly rich subject of study. What is the real part of the regional approach to a more holistic one? What are the specificities of Democratic and Republican administrations?At the military level, there has been some leniency towards the South African nuclear and biological program and the maintenance of the strong linkage between the military of both countries. The use of the CIA's covert operations, Mobutu's Zaire support, NATO's involvement and the resistance of the frontline states are all aspects of this rich history. ; Les États-Unis ont traditionnellement été accusés de ne pas avoir de réelle politique africaine. Une période semble échapper à cette affirmation car elle a été particulièrement riche dans ce domaine. Il s'agit des années 1975 à 1995 et particulièrement de la zone de l'Afrique australe. Cette politique étrangère a néanmoins été fluctuante au gré des présidences et influencée tant par la guerre froide et par des impératifs de politique nationale.Après l'effondrement de l'empire portugais, les États-Unis sont pris au dépourvu dans cette région stratégique à ...

We hereafter make the case that a certain technostrategic knowledge regime exists that builds a good reputation to military interventions. This contributes to normalizing the latter within the apparels responsible for the execution of foreign policies, since the end of the cold war. Supported by a contemporary military and security discourse analysis, this work analyses how this regime of knowledge was elaborated, how it circumscribes a field of possibles for intervention and how it attributes great credibility to this very field of possibles. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published ; http://www.sciencespo.fr/ceri/sites/sciencespo.fr.ceri/files/qdr43.pdf

We hereafter make the case that a certain technostrategic knowledge regime exists that builds a good reputationto military interventions. This contributes to normalizing the latter within the apparels responsible for theexecution of foreign policies, since the end of the cold war. Supported by a contemporary military and securitydiscourse analysis, this work analyses how this regime of knowledge was elaborated, how it circumscribes a fieldof possibles for intervention and how it attributes great credibility to this very field of possibles. ; Nous faisons ici l'hypothèse qu'il existe un régime de savoir technostratégique qui confère aux interventions militaires une grande aura et contribue, par ce biais, à les normaliser au sein des appareils en charge de l'exécution des politiques étrangères depuis la fin de la guerre froide. À partir d'une étude des discours militaires et sécuritaires contemporains, nous cherchons à savoir comment ce régime a été élaboré, comment il délimite un champ de possibles en matière d'interventions et comment il attribue à ce même champ de possibles une grande crédibilité.

We hereafter make the case that a certain technostrategic knowledge regime exists that builds a good reputationto military interventions. This contributes to normalizing the latter within the apparels responsible for theexecution of foreign policies, since the end of the cold war. Supported by a contemporary military and securitydiscourse analysis, this work analyses how this regime of knowledge was elaborated, how it circumscribes a fieldof possibles for intervention and how it attributes great credibility to this very field of possibles. ; Nous faisons ici l'hypothèse qu'il existe un régime de savoir technostratégique qui confère aux interventions militaires une grande aura et contribue, par ce biais, à les normaliser au sein des appareils en charge de l'exécution des politiques étrangères depuis la fin de la guerre froide. À partir d'une étude des discours militaires et sécuritaires contemporains, nous cherchons à savoir comment ce régime a été élaboré, comment il délimite un champ de possibles en matière d'interventions et comment il attribue à ce même champ de possibles une grande crédibilité.

International audience ; Far from a logic of success, often brandished to present detained students, the university offer in prison is part of a set of social, health, cultural and educational interventions that respond to diverse needs. These actions, which fall within the scope of care, are analyzed here in terms of social presences in order to emphasize the temporal and gendered implications of these ambivalent processes that are at work in any intervention for others, and in particular the temporal ambivalence linked to secluded presences. In order to present the tensions that cross the activities of accompanying prisoners, between protection and control, approached in a temporal perspective, the article is divided into three parts. First, the author briefly presents his relationship to the prison world, based on his own research on military service and prison care, and on research of doctoral students about the prison institution or on the dynamics of confinement. He then explains the concept of social presence to put forward the idea that any activity of help or accompaniment is part of a moral tension between "watching over" and "caring out", between supporting and punishing. Finally, he supports the idea that this ambivalence should lead us to depart from any justification in terms of success or efficiency to defend the right to study in prison. ; Loin d'une logique de réussite, souvent brandie pour présenter les étudiants détenus, l'offre universitaire en prison s'inscrit dans un ensemble d'interventions sociales, sanitaires, culturelles et éducatives qui répondent à des besoins divers. Ces actions qui relèvent du care sont ici analysées en termes de présences sociales pour insister sur les enjeux temporels et sexués de ces processus ambivalents qui sont à l'œuvre dans toute intervention pour autrui, et notamment les ambivalences temporelles liées aux présences recluses. Pour présenter les tensions qui traversent les activités d'accompagnement des détenus, entre la protection et le contrôle, abordées ...

International audience ; Far from a logic of success, often brandished to present detained students, the university offer in prison is part of a set of social, health, cultural and educational interventions that respond to diverse needs. These actions, which fall within the scope of care, are analyzed here in terms of social presences in order to emphasize the temporal and gendered implications of these ambivalent processes that are at work in any intervention for others, and in particular the temporal ambivalence linked to secluded presences. In order to present the tensions that cross the activities of accompanying prisoners, between protection and control, approached in a temporal perspective, the article is divided into three parts. First, the author briefly presents his relationship to the prison world, based on his own research on military service and prison care, and on research of doctoral students about the prison institution or on the dynamics of confinement. He then explains the concept of social presence to put forward the idea that any activity of help or accompaniment is part of a moral tension between "watching over" and "caring out", between supporting and punishing. Finally, he supports the idea that this ambivalence should lead us to depart from any justification in terms of success or efficiency to defend the right to study in prison. ; Loin d'une logique de réussite, souvent brandie pour présenter les étudiants détenus, l'offre universitaire en prison s'inscrit dans un ensemble d'interventions sociales, sanitaires, culturelles et éducatives qui répondent à des besoins divers. Ces actions qui relèvent du care sont ici analysées en termes de présences sociales pour insister sur les enjeux temporels et sexués de ces processus ambivalents qui sont à l'œuvre dans toute intervention pour autrui, et notamment les ambivalences temporelles liées aux présences recluses. Pour présenter les tensions qui traversent les activités d'accompagnement des détenus, entre la protection et le contrôle, abordées ...

International audience ; Far from a logic of success, often brandished to present detained students, the university offer in prison is part of a set of social, health, cultural and educational interventions that respond to diverse needs. These actions, which fall within the scope of care, are analyzed here in terms of social presences in order to emphasize the temporal and gendered implications of these ambivalent processes that are at work in any intervention for others, and in particular the temporal ambivalence linked to secluded presences. In order to present the tensions that cross the activities of accompanying prisoners, between protection and control, approached in a temporal perspective, the article is divided into three parts. First, the author briefly presents his relationship to the prison world, based on his own research on military service and prison care, and on research of doctoral students about the prison institution or on the dynamics of confinement. He then explains the concept of social presence to put forward the idea that any activity of help or accompaniment is part of a moral tension between "watching over" and "caring out", between supporting and punishing. Finally, he supports the idea that this ambivalence should lead us to depart from any justification in terms of success or efficiency to defend the right to study in prison. ; Loin d'une logique de réussite, souvent brandie pour présenter les étudiants détenus, l'offre universitaire en prison s'inscrit dans un ensemble d'interventions sociales, sanitaires, culturelles et éducatives qui répondent à des besoins divers. Ces actions qui relèvent du care sont ici analysées en termes de présences sociales pour insister sur les enjeux temporels et sexués de ces processus ambivalents qui sont à l'œuvre dans toute intervention pour autrui, et notamment les ambivalences temporelles liées aux présences recluses. Pour présenter les tensions qui traversent les activités d'accompagnement des détenus, entre la protection et le contrôle, abordées ...

International audience ; Far from a logic of success, often brandished to present detained students, the university offer in prison is part of a set of social, health, cultural and educational interventions that respond to diverse needs. These actions, which fall within the scope of care, are analyzed here in terms of social presences in order to emphasize the temporal and gendered implications of these ambivalent processes that are at work in any intervention for others, and in particular the temporal ambivalence linked to secluded presences. In order to present the tensions that cross the activities of accompanying prisoners, between protection and control, approached in a temporal perspective, the article is divided into three parts. First, the author briefly presents his relationship to the prison world, based on his own research on military service and prison care, and on research of doctoral students about the prison institution or on the dynamics of confinement. He then explains the concept of social presence to put forward the idea that any activity of help or accompaniment is part of a moral tension between "watching over" and "caring out", between supporting and punishing. Finally, he supports the idea that this ambivalence should lead us to depart from any justification in terms of success or efficiency to defend the right to study in prison. ; Loin d'une logique de réussite, souvent brandie pour présenter les étudiants détenus, l'offre universitaire en prison s'inscrit dans un ensemble d'interventions sociales, sanitaires, culturelles et éducatives qui répondent à des besoins divers. Ces actions qui relèvent du care sont ici analysées en termes de présences sociales pour insister sur les enjeux temporels et sexués de ces processus ambivalents qui sont à l'œuvre dans toute intervention pour autrui, et notamment les ambivalences temporelles liées aux présences recluses. Pour présenter les tensions qui traversent les activités d'accompagnement des détenus, entre la protection et le contrôle, abordées ...

The Jarnac Convention (1847) prohibiting France and Britain to seize the Leeward Islands was abrogated in 1887, allowing France to annex them in March 1888. Hundreds of French soldiers arrived in early 1897 to "pacify" this territory. The military intervention was the only mean to annihilate resistance to the French colonization, and memories of this resistance keep feeding the political identity of the Polynesians. The Jarnac Convention (1847) prohibiting France and Britain to seize the Leeward Islands was abrogated in 1887, allowing France to annex them in March 1888. Hundreds of French soldiers arrived in early 1897 to "pacify" this territory. The military intervention was the only mean to annihilate resistance to the French colonization, and memories of this resistance keep feeding the political identity of the Polynesians.

The legality of the use of force in international law is dictated by the principle of Article 2 (4) of the Charter of the United Nations and the exceptions which it accepts. However, States increasingly use the legitimacy argument to justify their military interventions. This is particularly apparent in the case of France, whether it intervenes with the authorisation of the Security Council or with the consent of a State. ; International audience The lawfullness of the use of force in international law is directed by UN Charter article 2§4 and the exceptions. States use more and more legitimacy argument to justify military interventions. Thats's specially true if we consider France's practice, as well as intervention is based on Security Council authorization and on consent of a state ; The legality of the use of force in international law is dictated by the principle of Article 2 (4) of the Charter of the United Nations and the exceptions which it accepts. However, States increasingly use the legitimacy argument to justify their military interventions. This is particularly apparent in the case of France, whether it intervenes with the authorisation of the Security Council or with the consent of a State. ; La légalité de l'emploi de la force en droit international est commandée par le principe de l'article 2§4 de la Charte des Nations Unies et les exceptions qu'il admet. Les Etats utilisent toutefois de plus en plus souvent l'argument de la légitimité pour justifier leurs interventions militaires. Cela apparaît notamment si l'on considère le cas de la France, qu'elle intervienne sur autorisation du Conseil de sécurité ou avec le consentement d'un Etat

Analysis of the situation and the roles of different Tuareg movements in the "war on Mali" marked by international issues and by a direct military intervention of France in January 2013 ; Analyse de la situation et des rôles des différents mouvements touaregs dans la "guerre au Mali" marquée par des enjeux internationaux et par l'intervention militaire directe de la France en janvier 2013

International audience ; The lawfullness of the use of force in international law is directed by UN Charter article 2§4 and the exceptions. States use more and more legitimacy argument to justify military interventions. Thats's specially true if we consider France's practice, as well as intervention is based on Security Council authorization and on consent of a state ; La légalité de l'emploi de la force en droit international est commandée par le principe de l'article 2§4 de la Charte des Nations Unies et les exceptions qu'il admet. Les Etats utilisent toutefois de plus en plus souvent l'argument de la légitimité pour justifier leurs interventions militaires. Cela apparaît notamment si l'on considère le cas de la France, qu'elle intervienne sur autorisation du Conseil de sécurité ou avec le consentement d'un Etat