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The war in Iraq uncovers important aspects of the current phase of world politics. The present analysis focuses on the potential impact on the Atlantic coalition made by the American project of introducing important changes in the strategy of global leadership. Hegemonic theory of world politics is the theoretical framework of the analysis. At the same time, the evolutionary world politics model is adopted to understand change in world politics. In the first part, preventive doctrine & the issue of external military intervention to change domestic regimes are analyzed. In the second part, a set of concepts for the analysis of the structure of government of the world political system is presented. In the last part, these concepts are used to analyze the potential effect of the United States project of change on transatlantic relations. 2 Tables, 45 References. Adapted from the source document.

The essay analyses the main features of "The March 12th Novel", a literary trend emerging in the aftermath of the military intervention in Turkey on the 12th of March 1971. The "March 12th Novel", which had a deep impact on Turkish prose during the 1970s, represents the first attempt by left inclined novelists to investigate the traumatic dimension of the political persecution endured by the socialist movement in the years following the coup. Starting with a brief survey of the major changes that occurred in Turkish political and social life between the 60s and 70s, the essay focuses on the relevance of topics like torture and repression, which deeply influenced the narrative structures and strategies built up by the "12th of March Novelists". In this perspective I will try to clarify the position of the "March 12th" trend in contemporary Turkish literature. Taking into account the novels written by Çetin Altan, Füruzan, Erdal Öz and Sevgi Soysal, the essay will concentrate on the different ways these authors came to depict the defeat of the Turkish Left

The market-oriented Private Military Companies (PMC) are said to be a new tool for post-Cold War-peacekeeping in war-torn environments: actually, private security is strongly embedded in the so called "new wars", and derives from the retrenchment of the state in response to the globalisation. The study compares two different kinds of peacekeeping strategies: private security and regional peacekeeping are analysed in the context of Sierra Leone, an African country shocked by a savage civil war in the 90's. The first case describes the intervention of Executive Outcomes (EO) - a former and controversial South African PMC - in Sierra Leone (1995): EO provided only a short-lived frame of security which was instrumental to business interest of major international mining corporations. The second case is multilateral peacekeeping on a regional basis: ECOWAS Cease-fire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) intervention in Sierra Leone (1997-2000) was the first case of sub-regional peacekeeping in Africa: despite its difficulties due to political ambiguity, financial capacity and logistical obstacles, this intervention put in place a more legitimate peacekeeping strategy. A full understanding of modern privatised security shows its inadequacy for successful peaceful conflict transformations. Additionally, regional-based peacekeeping strategies, albeit more legitimate than private security, needs to be deeply refined in terms of training, funding and political will, in order to be successful.

This book aims to retrace the main features of the twenty-year history of the Italian fascist regime and examine its impact on Italian society. After an introductory chapter on the origins of Italian fascism and the march on Rome, the volume deals with the following topics. A) the establishment and consolidation of Mussolini's dictatorship in the 1920s. B) the further evolution in the 1930s of an authoritarian regime vocated to totalitarianism. C) the nature, the limits, the decline of the Italians' consent to Mussolini's regime. D) the myth of the «new man» and the plans for an integral fascistization especially of youth. E) the relations between Mussolini and the Holy See. F) the evolution of Mussolini's foreign policy up until the Italo-Ethiopian conflict and the Italian military intervention in the Spanish civil war. G) the Axis with Hitler and Mussolini's racial and anti-Semitic policies. H) Italy' intervention in World War Two, its military defeats and the collapse of the regime certified by the Grand Council at its last meeting on July 24th-25th, 1943.

Tirana is the European capital that has changed most over the past 15 years. After the fall of the Communist regime in 1990, the city experienced the following sequence of episodes: the advent of democracy, mass immigration, a dramatic and grotesque economic recession followed by unrest and foreign military intervention, rapid and disproportionate economic growth, a fanciful and pragmatic urban policy at the hands of its postmodern prince and, lastly, a surreal stalemate period during which the city awaits the outcome of an extenuating duel between the mayor and the prime minister. Domus visited Tirana at this crucial moment in its development.

Five years after the beginning of the Libyan conflict, the political situation is swinging between the efforts for a diplomatic solution under the auspices of the United Nations and the possibility of a new international military intervention. The migratory dimension of the crisis and its increasing dynamics in connection with the Libyan civil war have now become one of the main argument in order to support the plan for a new military intervention in the country. Beyond the conflict, the chapter argues that Libya has continued to be mainly a country of destination despite any recurrent representation of Libya as a country of transit on the route toward Europe. In a context of crisis and state fragmentation, the policies for migrants' containment that Italy and the European Union have implemented in collaboration with the Libyan authorities unexpectedly reveal a process of institutional re-building from 2012 up to the resumption of the civil war in 2014. ; À cinq ans de distance du début du conflit en Libye, la situation oscille aujourd'hui entre les tentatives de médiation sous l'égide des Nations Unies et la menace d'une nouvelle intervention internationale. Précisément, la dimension migratoire de la crise, c'est-à-dire celle des flux liés de différente manière et en différentes directions au cycle de la guerre civile en Libye a fini par accéder au statut d'argument par excellence pour justifier l'hypothèse d'une nouvelle intervention dans le pays. Au-delà des logiques de guerre, le texte montre comment la Libye avait continué à être un pays de destination avant tout, contrairement aux représentations habituelles de ce pays comme simple terre de passage vers l'Europe. En ce sens, les différentes politiques italiennes et européennes mises en oeuvre en collaboration avec les autorités libyennes révèlent que, dans un contexte de crise et de fragmentation de l'État, les politiques migratoires et les intérêts stratégiques européens sont à la base d'un processus de reconstruction institutionnelle entre 2012 et 2014, avant l'escalade du conflit dans le pays. ; À cinq ans de distance du début du conflit en Libye, la situation oscille aujourd'hui entre les tentatives de médiation sous l'égide des Nations Unies et la menace d'une nouvelle intervention internationale. Précisément, la dimension migratoire de la crise, c'est-à-dire celle des flux liés de différente manière et en différentes directions au cycle de la guerre civile en Libye a fini par accéder au statut d'argument par excellence pour justifier l'hypothèse d'une nouvelle intervention dans le pays. Au-delà des logiques de guerre, le texte montre comment la Libye avait continué à être un pays de destination avant tout, contrairement aux représentations habituelles de ce pays comme simple terre de passage vers l'Europe. En ce sens, les différentes politiques italiennes et européennes mises en oeuvre en collaboration avec les autorités libyennes révèlent que, dans un contexte de crise et de fragmentation de l'État, les politiques migratoires et les intérêts stratégiques européens sont à la base d'un processus de reconstruction institutionnelle entre 2012 et 2014, avant l'escalade du conflit dans le pays.

- The area of the GCC is bigger than West Europe. They are one of the major poles of international economy, especially in finance and banking domains. They are the most determining factor in the oil market, not only because of mass production, but also for the reason of their rich resources. - They are newly established countries. Their social-tribal structure and their cultural behavior are not fitting the modern governance. This contrast made and makes a lot of problems that will continue. Their location is one of the most strategic. - Their developments have more external origin than internal, especially from the Arab world: Arab nationalism and Nasserism, the 67 and 73 wars, the 1960's and 70's religious and political developments in Egypt, the Islamic revolution in Iran, the military intervention of US in Afghanistan, the Iran-Iraq war, Kuwait occupation, 11/9, 2003 war, and Arab Spring. And also rise of oil prices, flowage of foreign manpower, vast presence of US military, and rapid modernization. - All these factors strongly affected their cultural and religious attitude. The most Islamic sacred places lie in this region. This reality along with desert and tribal culture caused different reactions since the late 70's. Al-Uteibi and al-Qaeda are good examples, but a large number of their population became extremists and they are now enjoying a great political and financial influence. Certainly, modern communications played a big role. This reality made a new situation in the Arab and Muslim world and even on the international scene. I tried to explain briefly all these developments, including the socio-political stability. It can be done through a clear comprehension of Islamic culture and civilization, Arab peculiarities and their experiences in the modern time, and history of the Arabian Peninsula.

Almost all of the robotic weapons used today in war or in military missions require a human operator to make key decisions: they are unmanned systems. The lethal autonomous weapons systems (the so-called killer robots) are weapons programmed to autonomously select their target and decide whether or not to attack without any meaningful human intervention. These lethal autonomous weapons do not yet exist, but the technological developments could afford to produce them incredibly quickly. We describe the main objections advanced against the development and use of these weapons: issues of compliance with international humanitarian law, problems of accountability for fully autonomous weapons, lack of human emotions and empathy, deskilling of the military profession and destabilization of the traditional norms of military virtue and reduction of the war to murder. Behind the most part of these objections to the lethal weapons systems there is the fear that, because of using them, we could irremediably loose our humanity. According to the critics of robot killers, i.e., these are machine whose use in battlefield crosses a fundamental moral line, that we should not overcome if we are still interested in beings humans. We show that these concerns are not justified, because killer robot represent only the last effort of human beings to produce, through technology, tools with which to fight and defeat the enemy.

My PhD dissertation analyzes the reactions of the Holy See as well as of French and Italian Catholics, through a comparative approach, to the events in Vietnam between the second half of 1963 and the first half of 1966. Within this time frame, a series of events would bring the international attention back on Vietnam, while Paul VI would resume the work of the Second Vatican council and lead it to a conclusion, and while both the international system and Western European societies would go through major transformations in their deep structures. Based on my study, I argue that between 1963 and 1966 Vietnam would have been perceived as the scene of three different forms of conflict in the eyes of the Church. A religious war (1963, 'Buddhist crisis'), a potential atomic third world war (1964-1965, Gulf of Tonkin crisis and U.S. full military intervention in Vietnam), and an asymmetric, semi-conventional war that would cause a humanitarian emergency (1965-1966, intense escalation of the war). Each of these forms of conflict would raise specific and delicate issues for the conciliar Church, most of which regarding the relationship between religion and politics. The most pressing of these issues would come to be the legitimacy of the "Just War" doctrine in the atomic age, the need for concrete action in favor of peace on behalf of the whole Church, and primacy of conscience amongst the Catholics. Engaged in a complex and often contradictory internal dialectic, the Church appears to have been divided between the spirit of Vatican II's 'aggiornamento', introduced by John XXIII's magisterium, and the its traditional connection with the West, marked by Pius XII's rigid anticommunism of the Fifties. ; Ma thèse de doctorat examine les réactions du Saint-Siège et, à travers une approche comparative, des catholiques français et italiens aux événements survenus au Viêtnam entre la seconde moitié de 1963 et le premier semestre de 1966. Dans cette période une série d'événements attirerait de nouveau l'attention internationale ...