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The starting point of the conclusions of politicians and experts was the recognition of the changed nature of threats to the New World Order. In post-Westfalia system of international relations the main actors are not sovereigns, but transnational actors of world politics, including transnational terrorist and criminal networks. In this situation, the support of global security threat serves the underground world – terrorists, shady business structures, failed states. The unconventional nature of the threat to peace and stability of the New World Order requires an equally innovative response which transcends the formal constraints of international law and the traditional doctrine of deterrence. An analysis of the U.S. foreign policy concepts suggests that today's academic and political community has promoted consensus of neoliberals and neoconservatives, supporters of the institutional functionalism and representatives of the school of Realpolitik. This consensus was based on the recognition of the admissibility of pre-emptive strikes on the territory of failed states, sponsoring international terrorism, or the implementation of open interference in the internal affairs of "rogue states" for human rights and democratic freedoms guarantee. ; В современных условиях становления новой конфигурации международных отношений вооруженная агрессия по-прежнему остается не только популярной альтернативой дипломатическому урегулированию конфликтов, но и одной из постоянно совершенствуемых насильственных практик. Место войн на международной арене все активнее занимают терроризм, геноцид, интервенция и т.д. Иностранное военное вмешательство в дела суверенных государств в настоящее время получает все более широкое распространение, поэтому противодействие попыткам интервенции на данный момент входит в число приоритетных задач государства, так как от эффективности этой деятельности нередко зависит существование страны.

The authors analyze the role the Czechoslovak Legion's uprising played in the internationalization of the Civil war in Russia during the spring and summer of 1918. The new archival sources that expose the role of foreign powers in involving the prisoners of war of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire in Russian civil conflicts are introduced ; В статье рассматривается значение восстания Чехословацкого корпуса для интернационализации Гражданской войны в России весной – летом 1918 г. Авторами вводятся в научный оборот новые источники, которые позволяют пролить свет на роль различных держав, оказавших влияние на вовлечение военнопленных бывшей Австро-Венгерской империи в противостояние различных политических сил в России.

Following the example of the discussion about the possible intervention undertaken by the Western European Union (WEU) with the aim of stopping the war in Croatia, this work strives to show the extent to which the war in Croatia influenced the development of the European relations and institutions, and vice versa. The discussion was held on two occasions, end July -- early August and second half of September 1991. The advocates of such an initiative were led by the idea of WEU military intervention which could stop the war, strengthen the European idea, and lay the foundations for a successful foreign and defensive politics of the future European Union during the phase of institution-building. Besides that, the intervention would undoubtedly have saved many lives in Croatia, and subsequently in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Reluctance and various interpretations among large European countries -- not only of the war in Croatia, but also of the European future -- resulted in passivity which played a huge role in determining the future form of European institutions during the key period before Maastricht. Adapted from the source document.

The original NATO strategy regarding Yugoslavia has, despite its military triumphs, proved deficient for achieving the planned political objectives. That is why the existing alliance strategy has been abandoned & replaced by a new one. This change of direction is under way; the success of NATO's entire military action hinges on its success, as do the relations on the Balkans & the future of NATO's new strategic concept designed in late Apr at the Washington summit. Adapted from the source document.

The author examines the process of Soviet military involvement in the events that took place in Afghanistan from the viewpoint of the United States. This topic is poorly studied, and the author makes an attempt to fill this gap. The main goal of the paper is to consider the process of increasing involvement of the USSR in the interior Afghan affairs from the U.S. position and to trace how this position changed during 1979. Methods and materials: The author mainly relies on the document 'The secret correspondence of the foreign policy agencies of the United States on Afghanistan' and also draws documents from the U.S. Congress and a monthly bulletin from the U.S. State Department. Analysis. The special attention is paid to the period from the beginning of the spring of 1979 to the end of 1979, since it was during this period of time that the Soviet military presence in Afghanistan continued to grow. Results: The author concludes that throughout 1979 and earlier, the U.S. closely followed the events in Afghanistan and Soviet actions there. However, the U.S. position on possible Soviet military involvement was expectant, and the USSR was not given strong protests, which could promote the Soviet decision on military intervention in the civil war in Afghanistan.

The author analyzes the genesis & the scenarios of the Kosovo crisis resolution, as well as the possible political reverberations of the NATO military intervention. The premise is that the Kosovo crisis is only a continuation of the break-up of the former Yugoslavia; Kosovo has for centuries been a separate entity largely populated by Albanians; the policy of Serbian nationalism has permanently discriminated against the Albanian population; & prior to the recent air strikes against Yugoslavia, Serbia had systematically led an ethnic-cleansing campaign on Kosovo. Although the author recognizes that support for the NATO military action can hardly be found in the tenets of the UN Charter, he argues that it can nevertheless be justified by international law. He points out that NATO's military campaign enjoyed the broad support of the people of NATO member countries, but that it has made a rift in the European Left. The new Left was in the forefront of the action, while the old, dogmatic, & sectarian Left found itself in the ranks of its most vocal opponents. The author claims that Milosevic, with his overall politics, & particularly his policy on Kosovo, had propelled the West into an action from which it could not extricate itself. He concludes that the consequences of Belgrade's defeat will be (1) the collapse of Milosevic's regime (the beginning of his end); (2) the final incapacitation of Milosevic's politics to create new conflicts; (3) the protectorate over Kosovo & its autonomy, with a factual independence from Serbia; (4) the independence of Montenegro; (5) Reinforcing the Dayton policy in Bosnia & Herzegovina (eliminating centrifugal tendencies); (6) the organized participation of the West in the transitional processes in this region (the pact on the stability of southeast Europe); & (7) bolstering the democratic & weakening the undemocratic tendencies in the region. Adapted from the source document.

Mirne pobune protiv sirijskog predsjednika koje su započele 2011. s vremenom su prerasle u oružani sukob, a zatim i u građanski rat koji do dana današnjeg ne jenjava. Vrlo brzo je privukao i brojne regionalne, ali i međunarodne aktere. Iako se na početku činilo kako će sirijski predsjednik vrlo brzo morati napustiti svoju funkciju, to se nije dogodilo. Zahvaljujući ruskoj vojnoj intervenciji 2015. vratio je kontrolu nad većinom sirijskog teritorija te na taj način osigurao svoju daljnju vlast. Cilj ovoga rada jest prikazati rusku intervenciju u Sirijskom građanskom ratu kao dio nove ruske vanjske politike, odnosno novoga ruskog intervencionizma. Politika koja je započeta intervencijom u Gruziji, a zatim nastavljena u Ukrajini činom aneksije Krima, svoj nastavak dobiva upravo na teritoriju Sirije. Kako ćemo vidjeti kroz rad upravo se ova politika pokazala ključnom za vraćanje Rusiji statusa globalne sile. ; Peaceful uprisings against the Syrian president that began in 2011., over the time escalated into an armed conflict, and then into a civil war that has not abated to this day. It quickly attracted numerous regional and international actors. Although at first it seemed that the Syrian president would have to leave his funcion very soon, this did not happen. Thanks to Russian military intervention in 2015, he regained majority control over Syrian territory and thus secured his further rule. The aim of this paper was to present Russian intervention in the Syrian civil war as a part of a new Russian foreign policy, the policy of interventionism. The policy, which began with the intervention in Georgia, and then continued in Ukraine and the act of annexation of Crimea, gets its continuation on the territory of Syria. As we will see further, it is precisely this policy that has proved crucial for restoring Russia's global power status.

After WWI, at the Versailles Peace Conference, the newly created Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, & Slovenes had to win its international recognition & define its borders. Since it had not belonged to the camp of the Entente forces, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, & Slovenes had no representatives in the Territorial Commission, which submitted its proposals to the Big Four. This situation was exploited by Italy, which would always come up with the least favorable version of the Kingdom's borders. Italy's proposal regarding Austria's border with the Kingdom was that the entire Celovec valley be ceded to Austria. However, the French, British, & American experts for territorial issues demurred. After protracted & tense wrangling, it was decided that the Celovec valley be divided into two plebiscitary zones. A plebiscite in Carinthia was not in the interest of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, & Slovenes & its delegation tried to modify this decision, but to no avail. The Belgrade government's military intervention in Carinthia was an attempt to create a fait accompli, but it proved counterproductive, as the occupation only deepened the local population's hostility toward the Yugoslav state & affected the result of the plebiscite: the majority Slovenian population in Zone A opted for Austria, a great setback for the Yugoslav side. Adapted from the source document.

The article examines the question of the influence of the military on the politics of Thailand, starting with the Siamese revolution in 1932. The reasons for the intervention of the military in the events in 2006 and 2014 are elucidated. The influence of the military on the political institutions of Thai democracy is analyzed. A discussion on the concept of a coup d'état is opened. It is concluded that under the pretext of countering threats to state security, the military manages to achieve political and economic power, but this creates conditions that give rise to political instability and social disorder.Key words: Military influence, military intervention, coup d'état, constitutional monarchy, political power, political crisis. ; В статье рассматривается вопрос о влиянии военных на политику Таиланда начиная с сиамской революции 1932 г. Выясняются причины вмешательства военных в события 2006 и 2014 гг. Анализируется влияние военных на политические институты тайской демократии. Раскрывается суть дискуссии о понятии «государственный переворот». Делается вывод о том, что под предлогом противодействия угрозам государственной безопасности военным удается достичь политической и экономической власти, но это создает условия, порождающие политическую нестабильность и социальный беспорядок.Ключевые слова: военное влияние, военное вмешательство, государственный переворот, конституционная монархия, политическая власть, политическая кризис.

The Serbo-Albanian conflict in Kosovo has had direct repercussions for Balkan security over the last 150 years. The international community would occasionally pay more attention to this conflict, but never long enough to resolve it for good. Both the Serbian & the Albanian side put in a lot of effort toward the resolution of the conflict & came up with several proposals, ranging from various modes of Kosovo autonomy to the idea of the cantonization & refederalization of SR Yugoslavia, to the independence of Kosovo, or to its being turned into a protectorate. All these suggestions had mostly been one-sided, either pro-Serbian or pro-Albanian, none of them conducive to a compromise. All this eventually resulted in a military conflict & the attempt to impose solutions by force. Nevertheless, after the NATO intervention, negotiations will have to be resumed, & the familiar proposals for the resolution of the Kosovo question will have to be rehashed, only this time the situation will require much more good will & willingness to make compromises, on both the Albanian & Serbian sides, as well as considerable support by international community. 11 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the latest dimensions of security in the territory of the former Yugoslavia stemming from the Dayton & Paris accords. His starting point is the geographical criterion that produces five trouble spots that could jeopardize the process of security building. He concludes that only a determined application of political, diplomatic, & economic pressures, as well as military presence, may bring about a new dimension of security in southeastern Europe. He then reviews analyses of the disintegration of Yugoslavia & the creation of new states in this part of Europe, as well as of the concepts & schemes for a certain degree of linkage, the most prominent being the American initiative for cooperation in Southeast Europe. It is obvious that this region will go on being viewed through different lenses & that the interests of the observers, more than those of the peoples living in this part of Europe, will gain precedence. Adapted from the source document.

This paper analyses international response to the Croatian military operation Maslenica in January 1993. Based on media comments and reactions of key international mediators in the war in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, particularly the United Nations, France and Chairman of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia, it seeks to answer the question of what the reaction was, how in reality it was in accordance with the proclaimed policies and how it fit into the overall international policy towards the war in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper is based on the documents of the United Nations, the analysis of several newspapers and reports of the Croatian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It situates behaviour of the main participants within the context of 'carrots and sticks' strategy. The Maslenica operation had shown that international community would not prevent military interventions against the self-declared Republic of Srpska Krajina by Croatian forces. It thus announced what subsequently happened in 1995 with the decisive Operation Storm. Adapted from the source document.