Suchergebnisse

Civil-military relations in Lithuania have serious deficiencies, which have appeared because of the simulation of a recommended Western model of civilian control. After regaining Independence, Lithuania had the difficult task of creating its armed forces and system of national defence following the Western model. At the same time we had to implement two political programs: to create functio-ning armed forces and a institutional-legal system of democratic civil-military control. However, this control is not only proper laws and functioning institutions. Equally, an important role must be given to intellectual reflection, which enables the posing of questions such as: what is war; how is the character of war changing; how does this affect Lithuanian defence policies and the perception of threats? Raising such questions inside the armed forces and in wider political and civil society is an essential condition for having effective and flexible civilian control over the military.

Civil-military relations in Lithuania have serious deficiencies, which have appeared because of the simulation of a recommended Western model of civilian control. After regaining Independence, Lithuania had the difficult task of creating its armed forces and system of national defence following the Western model. At the same time we had to implement two political programs: to create functio-ning armed forces and a institutional-legal system of democratic civil-military control. However, this control is not only proper laws and functioning institutions. Equally, an important role must be given to intellectual reflection, which enables the posing of questions such as: what is war; how is the character of war changing; how does this affect Lithuanian defence policies and the perception of threats? Raising such questions inside the armed forces and in wider political and civil society is an essential condition for having effective and flexible civilian control over the military.

Civil-military relations in Lithuania have serious deficiencies, which have appeared because of the simulation of a recommended Western model of civilian control. After regaining Independence, Lithuania had the difficult task of creating its armed forces and system of national defence following the Western model. At the same time we had to implement two political programs: to create functio-ning armed forces and a institutional-legal system of democratic civil-military control. However, this control is not only proper laws and functioning institutions. Equally, an important role must be given to intellectual reflection, which enables the posing of questions such as: what is war; how is the character of war changing; how does this affect Lithuanian defence policies and the perception of threats? Raising such questions inside the armed forces and in wider political and civil society is an essential condition for having effective and flexible civilian control over the military.

Civil-military relations in Lithuania have serious deficiencies, which have appeared because of the simulation of a recommended Western model of civilian control. After regaining Independence, Lithuania had the difficult task of creating its armed forces and system of national defence following the Western model. At the same time we had to implement two political programs: to create functio-ning armed forces and a institutional-legal system of democratic civil-military control. However, this control is not only proper laws and functioning institutions. Equally, an important role must be given to intellectual reflection, which enables the posing of questions such as: what is war; how is the character of war changing; how does this affect Lithuanian defence policies and the perception of threats? Raising such questions inside the armed forces and in wider political and civil society is an essential condition for having effective and flexible civilian control over the military.

Civil-military relations in Lithuania have serious deficiencies, which have appeared because of the simulation of a recommended Western model of civilian control. After regaining Independence, Lithuania had the difficult task of creating its armed forces and system of national defence following the Western model. At the same time we had to implement two political programs: to create functio-ning armed forces and a institutional-legal system of democratic civil-military control. However, this control is not only proper laws and functioning institutions. Equally, an important role must be given to intellectual reflection, which enables the posing of questions such as: what is war; how is the character of war changing; how does this affect Lithuanian defence policies and the perception of threats? Raising such questions inside the armed forces and in wider political and civil society is an essential condition for having effective and flexible civilian control over the military.

Civil-military relations in Lithuania have serious deficiencies, which have appeared because of the simulation of a recommended Western model of civilian control. After regaining Independence, Lithuania had the difficult task of creating its armed forces and system of national defence following the Western model. At the same time we had to implement two political programs: to create functio-ning armed forces and a institutional-legal system of democratic civil-military control. However, this control is not only proper laws and functioning institutions. Equally, an important role must be given to intellectual reflection, which enables the posing of questions such as: what is war; how is the character of war changing; how does this affect Lithuanian defence policies and the perception of threats? Raising such questions inside the armed forces and in wider political and civil society is an essential condition for having effective and flexible civilian control over the military.

This paper aims to analyse the military-industrial aspects of Turkish defence policy. A sophisticated and profitable defence industry is a useful tool for a state's foreign and security policy. It not only supplies the armed forces with the necessary weapons and military equipment, but can also bring political influence on the international arena through arms transfers and military-industrial cooperation. These realities are not lost on Turkish decision makers. That is why they have made the nurturing of an indigenous defence-industrial base a distinct state policy. In this paper, the defence industry's functions in the framework of Turkish defence and security policy are defined, the condition and structure of Turkish defence and aerospace sector is analysed and conclusions regarding its future prospects are presented. This provides the basis for a wider analysis of the defence-industrial aspects of Turkish defence and security policy. ; This paper aims to analyse the military-industrial aspects of Turkish defence policy. A sophisticated and profitable defence industry is a useful tool for a state's foreign and security policy. It not only supplies the armed forces with the necessary weapons and military equipment, but can also bring political influence on the international arena through arms transfers and military-industrial cooperation. These realities are not lost on Turkish decision makers. That is why they have made the nurturing of an indigenous defence-industrial base a distinct state policy. In this paper, the defence industry's functions in the framework of Turkish defence and security policy are defined, the condition and structure of Turkish defence and aerospace sector is analysed and conclusions regarding its future prospects are presented. This provides the basis for a wider analysis of the defence-industrial aspects of Turkish defence and security policy.

The information revolution is changing the international system and the security environment in which we live. The state is loosing its monopoly of power in a global information space where, with the help of new technologies, people create their wellbeing and where, by means of the same modern technologies, military conflicts of a new type are occurring. The Western civilisation conception of a military conflict, based on the Clause-witz model where leaders set political goals and control soldiers; soldiers fight directly and become lawful targets of violence; and civilians do not participate in the conflict, but support their leaders by paying taxes and backing their political goals, is falling apart. A conflict of the information age is, in a sense, a "pre-Westphalian" conflict where crimes against civilians and the internal order of the state were the norm. The question arises of how the state may ensure the security of its citizens. The great powers try to find an answer in the strategies and programs of information operations. A great amount of attention is given to the public information of the state during a conflict, as well as to information security. In the latter sphere, Lithuania has already made its first steps; however, Lithuania needs to learn the principles of public information not only during conflict, but also during peacetime.

The information revolution is changing the international system and the security environment in which we live. The state is loosing its monopoly of power in a global information space where, with the help of new technologies, people create their wellbeing and where, by means of the same modern technologies, military conflicts of a new type are occurring. The Western civilisation conception of a military conflict, based on the Clause-witz model where leaders set political goals and control soldiers; soldiers fight directly and become lawful targets of violence; and civilians do not participate in the conflict, but support their leaders by paying taxes and backing their political goals, is falling apart. A conflict of the information age is, in a sense, a "pre-Westphalian" conflict where crimes against civilians and the internal order of the state were the norm. The question arises of how the state may ensure the security of its citizens. The great powers try to find an answer in the strategies and programs of information operations. A great amount of attention is given to the public information of the state during a conflict, as well as to information security. In the latter sphere, Lithuania has already made its first steps; however, Lithuania needs to learn the principles of public information not only during conflict, but also during peacetime.

The information revolution is changing the international system and the security environment in which we live. The state is loosing its monopoly of power in a global information space where, with the help of new technologies, people create their wellbeing and where, by means of the same modern technologies, military conflicts of a new type are occurring. The Western civilisation conception of a military conflict, based on the Clause-witz model where leaders set political goals and control soldiers; soldiers fight directly and become lawful targets of violence; and civilians do not participate in the conflict, but support their leaders by paying taxes and backing their political goals, is falling apart. A conflict of the information age is, in a sense, a "pre-Westphalian" conflict where crimes against civilians and the internal order of the state were the norm. The question arises of how the state may ensure the security of its citizens. The great powers try to find an answer in the strategies and programs of information operations. A great amount of attention is given to the public information of the state during a conflict, as well as to information security. In the latter sphere, Lithuania has already made its first steps; however, Lithuania needs to learn the principles of public information not only during conflict, but also during peacetime.

The information revolution is changing the international system and the security environment in which we live. The state is loosing its monopoly of power in a global information space where, with the help of new technologies, people create their wellbeing and where, by means of the same modern technologies, military conflicts of a new type are occurring. The Western civilisation conception of a military conflict, based on the Clause-witz model where leaders set political goals and control soldiers; soldiers fight directly and become lawful targets of violence; and civilians do not participate in the conflict, but support their leaders by paying taxes and backing their political goals, is falling apart. A conflict of the information age is, in a sense, a "pre-Westphalian" conflict where crimes against civilians and the internal order of the state were the norm. The question arises of how the state may ensure the security of its citizens. The great powers try to find an answer in the strategies and programs of information operations. A great amount of attention is given to the public information of the state during a conflict, as well as to information security. In the latter sphere, Lithuania has already made its first steps; however, Lithuania needs to learn the principles of public information not only during conflict, but also during peacetime.

This dissertation provides an overall in-depth use evaluation methodology that assists in analysing of military aeronautical maps, sign system and records. On the basis of this research of signs and their conventions an optimised map and content of a unified Lithuanian military aeronautical database structures is suggested for improvement. Methodically prepared research was collected and based on already established and consistent thematic maps, signs and carto-semiotic assessment practices already used in Lithuania. A variety of illustrations and aspect assessments established an accurate and in-depth aeronautical value of signs and their practices. The analysis highlighted that not all carto-semiotic characters and signs of military aeronautical charts meet the criteria, and therefore could be changed. Previous military aeronautical sign analysis and their improvements were based on exercises of psycho-physiological studies of perception with their conclusions. Therefore a set of new aeronautical map characters that fully comply with psycho-physiological research recommendations are proposed. Through the examination of NATO's military aeronautical maps, charts and a look at a unified system of classifications, and its requirements, the dissertation summarises the overall work of the NATO's military aeronautical maps and their classifications, which provides the possibility of integration for the newly emerging sign and map groups.