Suchergebnisse

Was Wesley Clark, NATO's commander-in-chief, right when he said that, instead of launching operation 'Allied Force' against it, the allies should have electronically isolated SR Yugoslavia? Yugoslav hackers & crackers used to good advantage the freedom of cyberspace. During NATO's intervention, they declared a real 'virtual war' to all the countries supportive of this campaign, particularly to the US. By swooping down by all available means on numerous official web pages of various American institutions & totally abusing the communicational freedoms on the Net, Yugoslav hackers in fact demonstrated a small part of the possibilities of the new e-force. However, the deleterious consequences of Yugoslav online users' activities were so harmful that they prodded the international community into issuing a blunt warning to the Serbian Telecom -- we shall switch you off from the Internet! The objective of this research is primarily to evidence a totally novel phenomenon on the Internet, the first organized virtual war taking place in cyberspace, at the time when a real military campaign was waged against SRY. One of the outcomes of these activities was 'striking out' the documents from the Net that had been preserved only in Mucalo & Svilicic's archive. There are no additional scientific resources, since the key sources for this article were the Internet & newspaper articles. Although envisaged as a medium available to all, the Internet must soon be safeguarded & protected by legal means. Otherwise, it might simply cave in under the onslaught of all abuses & innumerable viruses circulating the global cyberspace. Due to the increase in the number of users & services, it may be expected that soon a completely new branch of criminal law is to emerge -- computer crime. 2 Figures, 21 References. Adapted from the source document.

The relations between the civil & military sector in SFRY greatly affected its development & survival as well as its collapse. Within the political system of the former Yugoslavia, the military secured a certain degree of independence, which later evolved into power per se, in any moment ready to impose its own interest (when & if jeopardized) as the general public interest. Due to such status of the military, the political system of SFRY was deformed &, to a certain extent, continually endangered by such autonomous functioning of the military. This sense of imperilment was the more intensive the deeper the divisions among certain social groups & interests, the bitter the struggles & conflicts along economic, national, & ideological divide, the less prominent the role of the communist party. Such situations encouraged & facilitated the process of the transformation of the military (particularly its top echelon) into a "neutral force" & -- formally & factually into the key political institution on the federal level. Among the several basic models of the relations between the civil & the military sector, the one in SFRY meant that the military was a factor in political decision making & the factor in certain crises. This required a certain degree of political clout on the part of the military. This clout, required for its meddling into politics, was based on the military & political position of the country, the military communist party organization, the ownership, ie, financial resources, the existence of the external & "internal" enemies, the impotence of civil institutions in certain periods & the charisma of individual military officers. 2 Tables, 19 References. Adapted from the source document.

On leaving Zadar in Sept 1943, Italians burned the biggest part of their political documents in the courtyard of the then Waterworks Dept. This has been a setback for those interested in the interwar history of Zadar & Dalmatia, particularly those investigating the first months of the occupation. The lack of authentic documents remains an obstacle to solid research on the period of Italian occupation of Dalmatia. This text draws on original material from the archives to fill in certain missing pieces in the mosaic of the organization & relationship between the civil & the military authorities in occupied Dalmatia in 1919. 3 Appendixes, 9 References. Adapted from the source document.