Suchergebnisse

The organizational structure of the religious organizations of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church and the Roman Catholic Church in Ukraine is investigated in the article. The essence, directions, forms of activity of Catholic religious organizations in modern conditions of the Russian military aggression against Ukraine are analyzed. The peculiarities of the functioning of Ukrainian Catholic religious organizations on the occupied part of Donbas are characterized. The role of religious organizations of the Catholic faith in carrying out socially useful activities in Ukraine in the context of national security is highlighted.

The organizational structure of the religious organizations of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church and the Roman Catholic Church in Ukraine is investigated in the article. The essence, directions, forms of activity of Catholic religious organizations in modern conditions of the Russian military aggression against Ukraine are analyzed. The peculi- arities of the functioning of Ukrainian Catholic religious organizations on the occupied part of Donbas are characterized. The role of religious organizations of the Catholic faith in carrying out socially useful activities in Ukraine in the context of national security is highlighted.

The purpose of this thesis is to assess Russia's effectiveness at using military exercises to affect the policies of neighboring Eastern European states. This is first done through an analysis of three Russian military exercises: Zapad-2017, Kavkaz-2020, and Ocean Shield-2020. The overview and results of the exercises are discussed. Then, three Eastern European countries are assessed as targets of Russian military aggression: Belarus, Lithuania, and Ukraine. The relationships between these countries and Russia are then reviewed before discussing how each country was impacted by one or more of the three aforementioned Russian military exercises. Following this analysis, a brief assessment is made of Russian military aggression producing conditions favorable to Russian national interests.

This article is devoted to the study of the legal status of internally displaced persons in Ukraine in the context of the full-scale war launched by the russian federation on 24 February 2022. During the study, an analysis of the doctrinal definition of "internally displaced persons" and the rights guaranteed by it in accordance with the current legislation, developed by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine and the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine, has been carried out. The article highlights the guiding principles of the international law that should be applied by the states when solving the problem of internal displacement, as well as specific examples of the measures taken by various European countries to solve this problem. Rights of internally displaced persons on right to employment and to receive special housing allowance were analysed as main guaranties. Right to free legal aid was considered as the key point guarantee for ensuring access to justice and protection of rights. Experience of states with similar experience of war (Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Georgia) were studied.
The conclusions focus on the problems of effective implementation of the right of internally displaced persons to free legal aid and summarize the need to improve the effective mechanism of protection of rights of internally displaced persons, which may also be of interest for the European states that sheltered more than 8 million Ukrainians during the war.

The aim of the article is to try to find out the attitude of Christian denominations in Ukraine to the Russian-Ukrainian war in eastern Ukraine as a manifestation of their religious and national identity. External risks for modern Ukrainian society require in-depth scientific analysis of this issue, in particular in sphere of religious relations. Russia's military and ideological aggression has become a marker of the social identity and civilizational choice of Christian denominations. It clearly revealed the position of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate as a structural part of the Russian Orthodox Church and a powerful tool for implementing the policy and ideology of the "Russian world" in Ukraine. Factually, the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate represents the interests of the Russian Orthodox Church as it adheres to its guidelines for Ukraine to be in the sphere of Russian geo-confessional interests. This is evidenced by the dominance of the Russian language in worship, sermons, educational institutions, publishing. The Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate has not even formally condemned the Russian intervention so far, nor has it recognized Russia as an aggressor. On the contrary, some priests of the Church openly promote Russian aggression and call for the violation of Ukraine's territorial integrity. The temples of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate in Donbas serve as weapons depots for Russian troops, and Russian terrorists openly serve the Moscow Patriarchate. The attitude of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Kyiv Patriarchate / Orthodox Church of Ukraine, Ukrainian Greek-Catholic Church and other Ukrainian Churches to Russian aggression determines their patriotic pro- Ukrainian position. This is most eloquently characterized by the institute of chaplaincy, which thіs Churches actively supply with their staff.

The article presents the results of research on the main individual behavior problems of Ukrainian youth in the conditions of Russian political and military aggression since 2014. Research is aimed at issues of adaptation potential, social and psychological security, psychological health, and well-being of young people from all geographic regions of Ukraine. The concept of "socially determined coping constructs" is proposed and the influence of interpersonal behavior style on the resourcefulness and adaptive potential of youth in the conditions of military operations is determined. Prognostic indicators of young people's experience of security in the conditions of an unpredictable long-term scenario of military aggression are concise. It has been proved that adaptation potential is a factor of preservation of psychological health that is methodologically considered within the paradigm of humanistic psychology within the range of the concept of resilience, psychological well-being, and personal maturity. Interpersonal behavior can be considered by us as a developed form of interaction of personal genesis and social induced predisposition of a certain objectified relation. Adaptation potential is determined as a social-psychological integral hierarchical-parity formation that ensures homeostasis of mature functioning of personality within the conditions of social stress induced by the activity of adaptation capabilities, their latency, timeliness, correspondence with subjective resources, and vectors of social actualization. There has been an empirical establishment of predictors determining the impact of special features of the style of interpersonal behavior on index of perceived stress, index of coping resources, positive attitude to others, autonomy, environment management, personal development, life goals, self-perception, psychological well-being, inclusion, control, risk acceptance, and resilience. The results of our research became the basis for determination of the phenomenon of interpersonal behavior as predictor of the triad: interpersonal communication, adaptation potential, and psychological health of youth.

Abstract
Mozi and Immanuel Kant are two of the best-known philosophers in history to have meditated on the topics of war and peace. Their philosophical outlooks on the origins of conflict and on ways to prevent war and preserve peace for all humankind are similar. But conceptual differences reveal the distinct cultures from which they emerged. Governed by a clear-cut opposition to war, Mozi's thought remains unique. The propositions of "impartial love" and "opposing military aggression" are grounded in this belief, and so are Mozi's effective defense theories and his practice of pacifism, as well as his rational and reflective approach to overcoming warfare – that is, how to go from a state of passive peace to active peace. Kant's program of "perpetual peace" is similar in many regards to Mozi's thinking, but it is also more revealing of the modernity of its own logic, especially because it refers to notions such as democracy, government, and institutions, which are in turn rooted in the more systematic theories advanced in Kant's Three Critiques. The ideas of both philosophers profoundly influenced human history, and their value and brilliance are still celebrated today. However, many regions of the world remain afflicted by unceasing conflict between religious or ethnic groups. This is precisely why it can still prove valuable for us to carefully consider the intellectual legacy of two of the greatest thinkers in history. The limitations of their philosophies, especially when it comes to the new challenges now faced by humanity, offer an opportunity for pondering historical issues and modern solutions.

The study of interstate cooperation between Ukraine and Lithuania is relevant in view of the fact that both states share a historical past, established and restored their independence only in the early 90's of the XX century. The research about interstate cooperation in the background of security challenges and European integration of Ukraine is an important scientific issue and a crucial factor in terms of implementation of European foreign policy vector. It is worth noting that the security issues in the region of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) are still important due to the intensification of the Russian Federation's aggressive policy. Under such threats, Lithuania is carrying out preventive diplomacy, strengthening its defense capabilities and providing powerful military support for Ukraine.

The opinions of international organizations, consulting agencies, research centers, domestic and foreign scientists on the impact of war on the economic development of Ukraine are considered. The scale of destruction and loss of the industrial sector as a result of Russian military aggression is assessed in view of its critical role in ensuring Ukraine's defense capability, recovery and growth of its economy. The authors' approach to assessing the consequences of Russian military aggression for Ukrainian industry, in contrast to existing developments, takes into account sectoral and regional aspects of transformation and offers a basis for substantiating the vectors of Ukraine's post-war economic recovery aimed at reducing the risks of damage to industrial facilities, ensuring integrity and functionality of domestic industrial complex in the face of prolonged military threats. It is shown that in most regions of the country, an outdated industrial structure has increased the level of security threats to Ukrainian economy in the new generation warfare: hybrid, non-contact, long-range, aimed at targeted destruction of industrial and infrastructural facilities. Post-war reconstruction of industry should be based on territorial and sectoral diversification, innovative development of the military-industrial complex and providing it with scientific basis, formation of a new system of international trade logistics. The economic prospects for Ukraine's recovery are uncertain and will be largely influenced by the ongoing military conflict. At the same time, the country's success in the military confrontation is determined not only by military and financial assistance, but also to a large extent by the stability of its economic foundation – industrial sector. Thus, ensuring the proper functioning of the industry requires both immediate actions to restore production processes by relocation from hazardous areas, establishment of new logistics chains, etc., and formation of strategic goals for reconstruction and identification of sectoral recovery vectors.

Large-scale military aggression is argued to damage the international image of the aggressor and mobilize global public opinion against it. Previous cross-country research also finds that negative views of the aggressor are usually limited to the government and do not extend to the citizens of the invading country. Our article provides micro-level evidence on attitude change toward Russia as a country, the Russian people, and the Russian government after its invasion of Ukraine. We use data from a survey conducted between the morning of 21 February 2022 (3 days before the Russian invasion of Ukraine) and the night of 28 February 2022 (5 days after the invasion) in the United States to evaluate how the Russian invasion of Ukraine affected attitudes toward the country, its people, and the government. We also conduct a subgroup analysis to explore the magnitude of attitude change across sociodemographic and political subgroups after the invasion. Our findings show fairly significant damage to the image of Russia as a country as well as the Russian government. However, the reputational damage of the Russian people is minimal. The results also suggest that Republican and religious subgroups had the largest attitude change on Russia and the Russian government.

International audience ; Both in peacetime and during the April military aggression against Nagorno-Karabakh, Azerbaijan waged and, no doubt, will keep on waging information war, employing all the available forms and methods. In such a war, the public opinions within one's own and the adversary's country (in our case – NKR and RA) are significant military-strategical resources: within the state it serves as a source of strategic energy, while in the adversary's – as a target for information-psychological impact. The key trend in Azerbaijan's military policies is to perpetrate persistent genocide against the Armenian ethnos. Widely propagated by every available leverage and mechanism of exerting psychologic pressure, Armenophobia is the major component of the information warfare waged by Azerbaijan. ; Ինչպես հարաբերական խաղաղ ժամանակ, այնպես էլ ապրիլյան ագրեսիայի օրերին Ադրբեջանը վարել և անկասկած շարունակելու է վարել տեղեկատվական պատերազմ իրեն հասու ձևերով ու մեթոդներով։ Այդօրինակ պատերազմում հակառակորդի (ԼՂՀ և ՀՀ) և իր պետության մեջ հասարակական կարծիքները դիտվում են որպես կարևորագույն ռազմական-ռազմավարական ներուժ. առաջինը՝ տեղեկատվական-հոգեբանական ներգործության նպատակակետ, երկրորդը՝ ռազմավարական բնույթի էներգետիկ աղբյուր: Ադրբեջանի վարած ռազմաշունչ քաղաքականության բովանդակային հիմքում հստակ դրսևորվում է հայկական էթնոսի նկատմամբ ցեղասպանույան շարունակական իրականացման հիմնադրույթը, որի համար տեղեկատվական բաղադրիչներ են հայատյացությունը և դրա ազատ քարոզչությունը հոգեբանական ճնշման բոլոր հնարավոր ձևաեղանակների կիրառությամբ:

The article analyzes modern terrorist threats in the context of military operations on the territory of Ukraine, which are associated not only with terrorist attacks on critical infrastructure facilities, but also with the active use of financial assets, the latest technologies and innovative financial instruments. An analysis of the concepts of «military terrorism», «financing of terrorism», as well as of the Ukrainian system of combating the legalization of proceeds of crime, financing of terrorism, was carried out, which allowed to identify and assess the main trends and directions of development of such countermeasures, to indicate the existing shortcomings and develop mechanisms for improving the analyzed system at the local and international level. A conclusion was reached on the need to strengthen interdepartmental and interstate cooperation, to establish links between regional anti-terrorist structures of law enforcement and special services, and to use units and units of the armed forces in the fight against military terrorism.