Suchergebnisse

Dvojno državljanstvo postalo je bitna tema demokratske teorije i politike građanstva. Mnoge države s velikim useljeništvom dopuštaju ga ili toleriraju, a mnoge druge vode aktivnu politiku prema zadržavanju ili davanju državljanstva pripadnicima svoje iseljeničke zajednice u svijetu, tzv. dijaspori. Posebnu je važnost dvojno državljanstvo zadobilo u politici građanstva nekih država u srednjoj i jugoistočnoj Europi (Mađarska, Rumunjska, Srbija, Hrvatska) prema pripadnicima svojih manjina u susjednim državama kojima im je omogućeno nerezidentno državljanstvo. Dvojno državljanstvo smatra se posebnim pravom pripadnika manjina – sredstvom zaštite njihovih ljudskih prava te očuvanja nacionalnog identiteta, a takvu intenciju podupiru i europske institucije. U radu se analiziraju specifičnosti politika građanstva u državama s tim tipom dvojnog državljanstva, njihova zasnovanost na etničkom shvaćanju nacije i djelovanju političkih aktera koji ga održavaju, te utjecaj na politike prema manjinama i njihov položaj. ; Dual citizenship has become an important issue of democratic theory and politics of citizenship. Many countries with large immigration permit or tolerate it, and many others lead an active policy of retaining or granting citizenship to members of their community in the world, so-called Diaspora. The dual citizenship has gained particular importance in citizenship policies of some countries in Central and Southeastern Europe (Hungary, Romania, Serbia, Croatia) towards the members of their minority in the neighboring countries where they are allowed non-resident citizenship. Dual citizenship is considered a special right of minorities - a means of protection of their human rights and the preservation of national identity, and this intention is supported by European institutions. This paper analyzes the specificities of citizenship policies in countries with this type of dual citizenship, their dependence on the ethnic understanding of the nation and the work of political actors which are maintaining such understanding, as well as the impact on policy towards minorities and their position.

Krajem 2013. i u 2014. Hrvatsku su obilježile dvije vrlo različite promjene u statusu seksualnih manjina. Prvo, ustavnim referendumom istospolnim partnerima onemogućio se pristup instituciji braka. Drugo, novim Zakonom o životnom partnerstvu omogućila im se većina bračnih prava, osim zajedničkog usvajanja djece. Ovo jasno ilustrira sukobljene trendove hrvatskog društva. S jedne strane, poboljšanja u položaju seksualnih manjina mogla su se uočiti još 1970.-ih i 1980.-ih, a nakon prekida tih pozitivnih trendova 1990.-ih, do poboljšanja dolazi posebice 2000.-ih. Istodobno, mnoge formalne pozitivne promjene nisu bile popraćene i promjenama u heteronormativnim i homofobnim praksama hrvatskog društva koje pak postaju očevidne kroz pregled izabranih aspekata socijalne isključenosti seksualnih manjina u sva četiri sustava socijalne isključenosti (demokratsko-pravnom, radno-tržišnom, sustavu socijalne dobrobiti te obiteljskom i sustavu lokalne zajednice) koji se u ovom radu prvenstveno temelji na rezultatima EU LGBT studije iz 2012. godine i koji je nadopunjen rezultatima recentnih domaćih istraživanja vezanih uz LGBT tematiku. ; At the end of 2013 and in 2014, Croatia was marked by two very different changes in the status of sexual minorities. Firstly, same-sex partners were banned from the institution of marriage by a constitutional referendum. Secondly, the new Life Partnership Act provided the same-sex partners with most marital rights, except the joint-adoption right. This clearly illustrates conflicted trends of Croatian society. On one hand, improvements in the status of sexual minorities could have been noted as early as in 1970s and 1980s. After a break in these positive trends in the 1990s, the status of sexual minorities was particularly improved in the 2000s. Nevertheless, many of these positive changes were not accompanied by changes in the hetero-normative and homophobic practices of the Croatian society. This becomes evident in the overview of selected aspects of social exclusion of sexual minorities in all four systems of social exclusion (the democratic and legal system, the labour market, the welfare system, and the family and community system) that is, in this paper, primarily based on the results of the 2012 EU LGBT study, and complemented with the results of recent Croatian LGBT-related studies.

It is the authors' ambition to answer the following question: to ‎what extend does the political parties of national minorities influence‎ on the cultural autonomy in Serbia. With an intention of answering ‎the research question the author analize the role of minority parties ‎in establishing of National Minorities Councils (NMCs). NMCs are ‎the main institution of cultural autonomy in Serbia. There are twenty three ‎minority groups who have established National Minority Council,‎ there for author of this paper selected two minority groups as case‎ studies: Hungarian and Croats. Political parties of national minorities‎ play a major role in the integration process, their role in the field ‎of political integration is clear, however, the influence of these parties,‎ as the main generators of national minority interests, on cultural ‎autonomy and social integration has not been sufficiently explored.‎ The aim of this paper is to examine the following hypothesis: Cultural ‎autonomy in Serbia is primarily domain, even monopolized by minorities' ‎parties. In order to determine the character of the impact of‎ political parties on the work of NMCs first step will be to distinguish‎ main features of the model of cultural autonomy applied in Serbia. In ‎following will be given a brief overview of minority parties development ‎with special emphasis on their position in political and party‎ system of Serbia. Finally the impact of minority parties on the functioning‎ of NMCs will be presented, through two parameters: participation ‎in elections for NMCS and decision-making process. The first ‎parameter is dedicated to analysis of the results and the subjects of the ‎campaigns. The second parameter relates to the degree of inclusiveness ‎of the decision-making process.‎

U članku predstavljam analizu odziva slovenske osnovne škole na prisutnost različitih etničkih skupina i zajednica u slovenskom prostoru. Zanima me reagira li osnovnoškolski sustav u smislu suvremenog shvaćanja interkulturalnosti i teži li prema omogućavanju jednakih mogućnosti za "autohtone" i "novodobne" manjine. Analiza je potvrdila hipotezu da se u javnoj slovenskoj osnovnoj školi vodi asimilacijska, a ne integracijska školska politika, što etničkim manjinama onemogućuje ravnopravan obrazovni razvoj. Integracija je izražena više deklarativno nego u zbilji. ; In this article we present the analysis of Slovenian elementary school's response to the presence of different ethnic groups and communities in Slovenia. Does the elementary school system react along the lines of contemporary concept of interculturality and does it seek to enable equal opportunities for "native" and "new" minorities. The analysis confirmed the hypothesis that Slovenian public elementary schools implement the assimilative and not the integrative school politics, which prevents the ethnic minorities to achieve equal educational development. The integration is more declarative than real. ; In diesem Artikel wird eine Analyse vorgenommen, die sich mit der Reaktion der slowenischen Grund schule auf die Anwesenheit verschiedener Volksgruppen und ethnischer Gemeinschaften in Slowenien beschäftigt. Dabei stellte ich mir die Frage, ob das slowenische Grundschulsystem moderne interkulturelle Ansätze aufnimmt und sich um die Chancengleichheit "autochtoner" und "neuzeitlicher" Minderheiten bemüht. Die Analyse hat meine Ausgangshypothese bestätigt, dass an den öffentlichen slowenischen Grundschulen eine assimilatorische, und nicht integrative Schulpolitik betrieben wird, wodurch ethnische Minderheiten an einer gleichberechtigten Entfaltung und Ausbildung gehindert werden. Die Integration findet nur deklarativ, und nicht im Schulalltag statt.

Autori se u tekstu bave usporedbom dvaju istraživanja iz 2010. i 2015. godine o funkcioniranju vijeća i predstavnika nacionalnih manjina, koje je kao savjetodavna tijela inaugurirao Ustavni zakon o pravima nacionalnih manjina iz 2002. godine, koji čini temelj hrvatskog modela zaštite prava nacionalnih manjina. Oba istraživanja provedena su na Fakultetu političkih znanosti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu (Centar za međunarodne i sigurnosne studije), i to provedbom anketnog upitnika elektroničkim putem među svim dostupnim vijećima i predstavnicima koji su se u dva ciklusa nalazili u Registru vijeća, koordinacija vijeća i predstavnika nacionalnih manjina. Stavljajući analizu istraživanja u širi kontekst razvoja manjinskih prava u Hrvatskoj, s posebnim osvrtom na oblike političkog predstavništva na različitim razinama, autori odgovaraju na pitanje postoji li i kakav je napredak u funkcioniranju vijeća i predstavnika nacionalnih manjina, tijela koja se po svojoj funkciji, ulozi i opsegu nadležnosti mogu smatrati neteritorijalnim oblikom autonomije. ; In this article, the authors are comparing two studies from 2010 and 2015 on the functioning of councils and representatives of national minorities, which are advisory bodies inaugurated by the Constitutional Law on the Rights of National Minorities (2002), that represents the basis of the Croatian model of minority rights protection. Both studies were conducted at the Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb (Center for International and Security Studies), through the questionnaire distributed via e-mail to all the available councils and representatives which were listed within two cycles in the Register of councils, coordination of councils and representatives of national minorities. By putting the analysis of the research in the broader context of development of minority rights in Croatia, with special emphasis on forms of political representation at various levels, authors are providing an answer whether there is any and what kind of progress in the functioning of councils and representatives of national minorities, namely the bodies that may be considered a form of non-territorial autonomy, according to their function, role and scope of jurisdiction.

Autor u tekstu analizira utjecaj migracijske krize na Europsku uniju kroz sigurnosnu i politološku dimenziju, te recepciju tog diskursa kod političkih elita i građana. Pritom posebno naglašava humanitarnu, ali i sigurnosnu dimenziju percepcije imigranata, izbjeglica i tražitelja azila kao nekih novih "umjetnih" manjina u Europskoj uniji. S druge strane, takvi procesi sve se više izražavaju kao prijetnja sigurnosti oličena u povećanju ksenofobije i razisma, dok pojedine političke elite u Uniji imigrante percipiraju kroz prizmu "antigrađana". Nadalje, u tekstu se analizira proces sekuritizacije identiteta izbjeglica, koji se kroz govorni akt u pojedinim zemljama članicama EU karakteriziraju kao prvenstveno sigurnosna ugroza, što za posljedicu ima povećanje nasilja nad manjinama i negativno se reflektira na unutarnju koheziju Europske unije te njezinu sposobnost da upravlja migracijskom krizom. Na kraju, polazeći od određenih teorijskih i empirijskih postavki, autor želi ponuditi sveobuhvatan pregled migracijske krize na europskom tlu u cilju smanjenja negativne reverzibilnosti na ostvarivanje prava manjina u Europskoj uniji. ; In this article author is analyzing influence of migration crisis on the European Union through security and political dimension, and reception of these discourses among political elite and citizens. Author's special attention is on humanitarian, but also on security dimension of perception of immigrants, refugees and asylum seekers as "new" artificial minorities in the European Union. On other hand, such processes are increasingly being portrayed as a security threat, embodied in the increase of xenophobia and racism, whereby some political elites in the EU perceive immigrants as "anti-citizens". Author also analyzes the securitization of refugees' identity, which is being presented (through the speech acts) as the security threat in some EU member states. The consequence of such developments is the increase of violence against minorities and the negative impact on the inner cohesion within the EU, as well as its capacities to manage the migration crisis. Finally, starting from theoretical and empirical assumptions, the author offers a comprehensive review of the European migration crisis in order to reduce the negative reversibility on achieving minority rights in the EU.

Proces integracije promatramo kroz prizmu pravde, gdje je cilj integracije postizanje pravne i političke jednakosti između manjine i većine. U ovom radu polazi se od ideje da društvo čine dvije osnovne zajednice: kulturna i politička. Prateći ovu dihotomiju zaključuje se da i proces integracije ima dvije dimenzije: političku i društvenu. Proces integracije nacionalnih manjina podrazumijeva njihovo sudjelovanje (integriranost) u politički i društveni život zajednice (države) u kojoj žive. U prvom dijelu rada autorica predstavlja modele političkog predstavljanja nacionalnih manjina, kako bi utvrdila prednosti i mane svakog od njih. U drugom dijelu rada autorica analizira aktivnosti manjinskih stranaka na posljednjim parlamentarnim izborima u Srbiji, izborne programe koje predlažu i rezultate koje su ostvarile. ; The integration process can be perceived through the prism of justice, whereby the aim of integration is to achieve the legal and political equality between minority and majority. This paper is based on the idea that the society has two main communities: cultural and political. Following this dichotomy, one can conclude that the integration of national minorities has two dimensions: political and social. Integration of national minorities involves their participation (integration) in political and social life of the community (state) in which they live. First part of the paper provides the analysis of models of political representation of national minorities in order to determine the advantages and disadvantages of each model. In the second part, the author analyzes the activities of minority parties in the last parliamentary elections in Serbia, the electoral programs which they proposed and the results that have been achieved.

In spite of the fact that Serbia is a multicultural state in which many ethno-cultural minorities live, that basic regulations have been issued which secure the rights of ethnic minorities, and that a system of multiculturalism has been established, only partial recognition of the identity and rights of ethnic minorities has been accomplished in Serbia. This has been carried out through introducing procedures, rules, institutions, mechanisms and instruments which guarantee the exercise of rights of ethnic minorities which live and develop their own identity alongside other minorities and the ethnic majority, with the actual effect that, regardless of the attained high level of multiculturalism, the minorities are still separated, mutually and with regard to the majority, i.e. ghettoised. This is caused by the established type of segregative multiculturalism, which contributes to the situation in which minorities are separated; they coexist, but are not intermixed in an integrated multicultural society. Adapted from the source document.

In spite of the fact that Serbia is a multicultural state in which many ethno-cultural minorities live, that basic regulations have been issued which secure the rights of ethnic minorities, and that a system of multiculturalism has been established, only partial recognition of the identity and rights of ethnic minorities has been accomplished in Serbia. This has been carried out through introducing procedures, rules, institutions, mechanisms and instruments which guarantee the exercise of rights of ethnic minorities which live and develop their own identity alongside other minorities and the ethnic majority, with the actual effect that, regardless of the attained high level of multiculturalism, the minorities are still separated, mutually and with regard to the majority, i.e. ghettoised. This is caused by the established type of segregative multiculturalism, which contributes to the situation in which minorities are separated; they coexist, but are not intermixed in an integrated multicultural society. Adapted from the source document.

For Croatia as an independent state, the regulation & the realization of the freedoms & rights of national minorities have become a major test & measure of the degree of the democratization of the society as well as one of the essential conditions for economic & political integration into Europe. Taking the Croatian legal framework as our starting point, the realization of the rights of national minorities in the Republic of Croatia can be viewed at four levels: cultural autonomy, education in minority languages & alphabets, proportional representation in government both at the national & the local level, & the cross-border cooperation of national minorities. A review of the condition of the rights of national minorities in Croatia shows that the cultural autonomy rights are optimally utilized, due to their good organization, by those national minorities that enjoyed those rights before the creation of the independent Croatia. The "new" national minorities are still organizing themselves in order to realize more fully their minority rights. A variety of European organizations & institutions that promote European stability & security are especially active in encouraging the protection of national minorities in Croatia. 2 Tables, 14 References. Adapted from the source document.

For Croatia as an independent state, the regulation & the realization of the freedoms & rights of national minorities have become a major test & measure of the degree of the democratization of the society as well as one of the essential conditions for economic & political integration into Europe. Taking the Croatian legal framework as our starting point, the realization of the rights of national minorities in the Republic of Croatia can be viewed at four levels: cultural autonomy, education in minority languages & alphabets, proportional representation in government both at the national & the local level, & the cross-border cooperation of national minorities. A review of the condition of the rights of national minorities in Croatia shows that the cultural autonomy rights are optimally utilized, due to their good organization, by those national minorities that enjoyed those rights before the creation of the independent Croatia. The "new" national minorities are still organizing themselves in order to realize more fully their minority rights. A variety of European organizations & institutions that promote European stability & security are especially active in encouraging the protection of national minorities in Croatia. 2 Tables, 14 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author first deals with the concept of national minority, presenting various attempts of their legal and conceptual defining. Since there is no generally accepted definition of national minorities, even within the EU, there are still controversies on the issue of defining a group as 'national minority'. In addition, there are disputes over the issue of representation and political-juridical protection of minorities. At the same time such international legal uncertainty allows for broad flexibility in conceptualising and implementing instruments for protection and representation. The article focuses also on some of these models, especially when it comes to Croatia. We argue that there is no clarity in who constitutes a national minority in Croatia, and thus the practice of political representation remains driven by political considerations rather than by principles. This is a source of inconsistency in legal solutions for parliamentary representation of national minorities. The author argues in favour of special representation of national minorities in the Parliament and for the instrument of double vote for citizens who belong to national minorities. This instrument is justified also because of the very significant contribution that national minorities have given to Croatian society in the past. Adapted from the source document.

In numerous European countries, majority nations & national minorities that live in them, aware of the complexity of relations between majorities & minorities in the ethnic sense & the ensuing dangers, have engaged in mutual accommodation & compromise, thus fashioning certain models of coexistence. Constitutional provisions of European states prove that there is no single model of recognition of the rights of national minorities. Still, European states may be divided into three groups: (1) those that advocate the constitutional principle of the integral nation & refuse to recognize any other ethnic origin of their citizens; (2) those that do not divide their ethnic communities into majority & minority ones, which means that they do not recognize the category of the national minority, but protect the ethnic identity of their members by distinguishing their citizens by the languages they use; & (3) those that recognize the notion of the majority nation & national minorities. The latter states have elaborated provisions regarding the rights of national minorities, particularly the protection of their national, cultural, religious, & linguistic identity, with major differences in the scope of individual rights. 6 References. Adapted from the source document.

In numerous European countries, majority nations & national minorities that live in them, aware of the complexity of relations between majorities & minorities in the ethnic sense & the ensuing dangers, have engaged in mutual accommodation & compromise, thus fashioning certain models of coexistence. Constitutional provisions of European states prove that there is no single model of recognition of the rights of national minorities. Still, European states may be divided into three groups: (1) those that advocate the constitutional principle of the integral nation & refuse to recognize any other ethnic origin of their citizens; (2) those that do not divide their ethnic communities into majority & minority ones, which means that they do not recognize the category of the national minority, but protect the ethnic identity of their members by distinguishing their citizens by the languages they use; & (3) those that recognize the notion of the majority nation & national minorities. The latter states have elaborated provisions regarding the rights of national minorities, particularly the protection of their national, cultural, religious, & linguistic identity, with major differences in the scope of individual rights. 6 References. Adapted from the source document.