Предметом данного исследования является становление мирового гражданского общества в условиях глобализации и его превращение в одного из ведущих акторов мировой политики. Этот процесс вызывает повышенный интерес со стороны политиков и традиционных «центров власти», теряющих монополию на принятие судьбоносных решений. В статье раскрываются противоречия между «наднациональными» и национальными институтами гражданского общества. Особое внимание обращено на уровень компетентности гражданского общества, а также на защиту институтов академической демократии и компетентность государственных структур. ; Feature of modernity are large expenses for scientific and analytical support for projects in the field of national and international policies. Also, we are seeing the increasing of the status of world's scientific and expert community as the most important link of the competent civil society and, at the same time, as an arbitrator in the resolution of political conflict. Transmutations of civil society into one of the leading actors of global politics cause an increased interest on the part of politicians and the traditional 'power centers' that are losing their monopoly on fateful decisions. The subject of my research is processes of becoming and transformations of a global civil society in the globalization context. The article reveals the contradictions between the 'supranational' and the national institutes of civil society. My research is a socio-philosophical and conceptual-discursive comparative analysis of political and academic democracy. In particular, I show academic democracy, for all its originality and visible 'undemocratic' character (insusceptibility to the challenges of time, lifelong academic degrees and titles, an abundance of intricate hierarchical barriers, gradations, rules and conventions, etc. etc.), has greater freedom than modern political democracy. Academic democracy unlike political one is not inclined to double standards, and only this democracy is truly international. In my article, I paid the special attention to the threats for academic democracy that comes from the neo-democratic political elite. I conclude there are three major threats to of academic democracy. First, the reason for falling of academic democracy is unrestricted right of major countries and corporations to freely 'buy brains' and products of scientific activity, as well as right to concentrate scientific ideas in the same hands, in some regions of the world, turning these ideas into a commodity and using imperfection of copyright in which factors of globalization not been factored the in proper degree. Secondly, psychological set on personal disinterestedness of scientist, on general accessibility of results of scientific work leads to the same result. This attitude is cultivated in the scientific community since time immemorial. So, implicit breach of this norm by applied scientists could explain the criticism that they are subjected (usually in delicate forms) from the 'pure' scholars. As a result, this norm strengthens the sensitivity of scientists to approval emanating from their own kind, and thereby enhances the effectiveness of internal control and professional autonomy. Third, a special risk for the future of whole civil society is the delegitimization of universities and institutes of higher education, which is now carried out intensively in the interests of further policy rationalization. For this purpose universities would be subordinated to the requirements of the formation of competence rather than ideals (as in his time Lyotard pointed out).
This study investigates the relationship between community psychology and social policies, seeking to determine which contextual conditions, institutional and interaction of actors help to explain the form and structure of the technical field of the psychologists that work in social intervention in the General Social or Community Services as part of the Spanish Social Services Systems. As a methodological framework, we use the Strauss & Corbin (2002) approach known as Grounded Theory, and also the Coller (2000) multidimensional multiple cases. We study five General Social Services, trough twenty-four interviews to professionals, members and managers of these services, town hall and autonomous community managers and external agents, representatives of professional associations and academics concerned with the issue. As a result, we observe that the integration process of the psychologists that work with social interventions and the components of their field are explained in the context of three major sets of conditions: in first place, the institutional conditions arising from the legal-regulatory bodies and their impact on the technical, management and administration framework. Second, the actor's interaction processes around reflection dynamics, training and definition of perspectives and frameworks of intervention, all of them developed in negotiations and alliances between the experts, politicians, leaders of the professional associations and academics. And finally, the conditions of the amount and type of problems, the multidimensionality and complexity that are involved in social problems which demand attention and that affect the technical requirements of response ; En aquest estudi s'investiga la relació entre la psicologia comunitària i les polítiques socials, buscant determinar quines condicions contextuals, institucionals i de interacció dels actors permeten explicar la forma i estructuració del camp tècnic dels psicòlegs de la intervenció social en els Serveis Socials Generals o Comunitaris que formen part dels Sistemes de Serveis Socials espanyols. Com marc metodològic s'utilitza la proposta de Strauss & Corbin (2002), coneguda com Grounded Theory, i l'estudi de casos múltiples multidimensional de Coller (2000). S'estudien aquí cinc Serveis Socials Generals, mitjançant entrevistes a vint-i-quatre professionals, membres i encarregats dels equips d'aquests serveis, directius a nivells d'ajuntament i comunitat autònoma i agents externs, representants de col•legis professionals i acadèmics relacionats amb la temàtica. Com resultat, s'observa que el procés de inserció dels psicòlegs de la intervenció social i els components del seu camp tècnic s'expliquen en el context de tres conjunts de condicions principals: en primer lloc, las condicions institucionals que sorgeixen dels cossos normatiu-legals i que incideixen sobre el marc tècnic i de gestió i administració. En segon terme, els processos de interacció d'actors al voltant de dinàmiques de reflexió, formació i definició de perspectives i enfocaments de intervenció, desenvolupades en negociacions i aliances entre tècnics, polítics, dirigents gremials i acadèmics. I, finalment, les condicions que intervenen segons la quantitat, tipus de problemàtiques, multidimensionalitat i complexitat que presenten els problemes socials pels quals es demana atenció, que repercuteixen en les exigències tècniques de resposta
This study investigates the relationship between community psychology and social policies, seeking to determine which contextual conditions, institutional and interaction of actors help to explain the form and structure of the technical field of the psychologists that work in social intervention in the General Social or Community Services as part of the Spanish Social Services Systems. As a methodological framework, we use the Strauss & Corbin (2002) approach known as Grounded Theory, and also the Coller (2000) multidimensional multiple cases. We study five General Social Services, trough twenty-four interviews to professionals, members and managers of these services, town hall and autonomous community managers and external agents, representatives of professional associations and academics concerned with the issue. As a result, we observe that the integration process of the psychologists that work with social interventions and the components of their field are explained in the context of three major sets of conditions: in first place, the institutional conditions arising from the legal-regulatory bodies and their impact on the technical, management and administration framework. Second, the actor's interaction processes around reflection dynamics, training and definition of perspectives and frameworks of intervention, all of them developed in negotiations and alliances between the experts, politicians, leaders of the professional associations and academics. And finally, the conditions of the amount and type of problems, the multidimensionality and complexity that are involved in social problems which demand attention and that affect the technical requirements of response ; En aquest estudi s'investiga la relació entre la psicologia comunitària i les polítiques socials, buscant determinar quines condicions contextuals, institucionals i de interacció dels actors permeten explicar la forma i estructuració del camp tècnic dels psicòlegs de la intervenció social en els Serveis Socials Generals o Comunitaris que formen part dels Sistemes de Serveis Socials espanyols. Com marc metodològic s'utilitza la proposta de Strauss & Corbin (2002), coneguda com Grounded Theory, i l'estudi de casos múltiples multidimensional de Coller (2000). S'estudien aquí cinc Serveis Socials Generals, mitjançant entrevistes a vint-i-quatre professionals, membres i encarregats dels equips d'aquests serveis, directius a nivells d'ajuntament i comunitat autònoma i agents externs, representants de col•legis professionals i acadèmics relacionats amb la temàtica. Com resultat, s'observa que el procés de inserció dels psicòlegs de la intervenció social i els components del seu camp tècnic s'expliquen en el context de tres conjunts de condicions principals: en primer lloc, las condicions institucionals que sorgeixen dels cossos normatiu-legals i que incideixen sobre el marc tècnic i de gestió i administració. En segon terme, els processos de interacció d'actors al voltant de dinàmiques de reflexió, formació i definició de perspectives i enfocaments de intervenció, desenvolupades en negociacions i aliances entre tècnics, polítics, dirigents gremials i acadèmics. I, finalment, les condicions que intervenen segons la quantitat, tipus de problemàtiques, multidimensionalitat i complexitat que presenten els problemes socials pels quals es demana atenció, que repercuteixen en les exigències tècniques de resposta
The dissertation assesses the level of autonomy of the Legislative Council (Legco) of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) and examines how the Legco exercises its legislative power, scrutinizes public finance and checks the executive in Hong Kong's changing political system. After the return of sovereignty over Hong Kong to China, the initiation power of the legislature of the HKSAR receives more extensive restrictions under the Basic Law than the colonial time. The idea of an executive-led system becomes an official statement in Hong Kong's political system, by stressing which the executive intends to strengthen its authority and to achieve its dominance over the legislature. To provide the basic framework for answering the "how" question, this dissertation first assesses the potential of the Legco by structuring indicators for autonomy of the Legco in two dimensions: external environment and internal characteristics. This dissertation argues that the Legco has structured the institutional framework to underpin legislative autonomy, particulary in the aspects of exclusive authority over internal rules and committee autonomy. In the context, despite the restrictions on its initiation power and stricter agenda control by the executive over time, the Legco since 1998 has played a more active role over time and developed a variety of means by which it can make a difference in public policy and checking the executive. Based on its power to veto or amend legislation and financial proposals, the Legco follows a bargaining model of "anticipated reactions", that is, forcing the executive to proactively make concessions in order to avoid anticipated opposition in the Legco. The Legco also acts as a deterrent body when performing functions without legislative effects. Thus, an accurate description of the executive-legislative relation in the HKSAR is that there are a proactive executive and a reactive legislature, with their relationship oscillating between conflict and cooperation, rather than an executive-led system. In its concluding section, this study suggests that on one hand the representation system and the partisan factor are the most influential indicators which affect the way the Legco makes a difference in public policy and exercises scrutiny of the executive, on the other hand the actual impact of the Legco depends on the development of party politics and whether the Legco can shape clear public expectations and build up effective communication with the citizens. The components unfavourable to these purposes, such as the Functional Constituencies, need to be reformed or dismantled. This study structures the indicators for autonomy of the Legco based on the comparative legislative studies. To assess the actual impact of the Legco, this study uses a mixture of several methods, including quantitative analysis of Hansard and other documents regarding the Legco, case studies of major bills and events, and qualitative interviews with legislators. Using these methods, this dissertation portrays the real picture of the executive-legislative relation in Hong Kong's political system and characterizes the trend of the impact of the Legco from a longitudinal dimension. ; published_or_final_version ; Law ; Master ; Doctor of Legal Studies
The aim of this dissertation is two-fold. First, the discussion seeks to understand the concepts of nationalism and patriotism and how they relate to one another. In respect to the more critical literature concerning nationalism, it asks whether these two concepts are as different as is sometimes assumed. Furthermore, by problematizing nation-branding as an "updated" form of nationalism, it seeks to understand whether we are facing the possible emergence of a new type of nationalism. Second, the study endeavors to discursively analyze the "bottom-up" processes of national reproduction and re-definition in an online, post-socialist context through an empirical examination of the online debate and polemic about the new Polish patriotism. The dissertation argues that approaching nationalism as a broad phenomenon and ideology which operates discursively is helpful for understanding patriotism as an element of the nationalist rhetoric that can be employed to study national unity, sameness, and difference. Emphasizing patriotism within the Central European context as neither an alternative to nor as a type of nationalism may make it possible to explain the popularity and continuous endurance of nationalism and of practices of national identification in different and changing contexts. Instead of facing a new type of nationalism, we can then speak of new forms of engagement which take place in cyberspace that contribute to the process of reproduction of nationalism. The growing field of nation-branding, with both its practical and political implications, is presented as one of the ways in which nationalism is reproduced and maintained as a form of "soft" rather than "hard" power within the global context. The concept of nation re-branding is introduced in order to account for the role that citizens play in the process of nation branding, which has often been neglected in the literature. This concept is utilized to critically examine, understand, and explain the dynamics of nation brand construction and re-definition, with a particular focus on the discursive practices of citizens in cyberspace. It is argued that citizens in the post-socialist countries, including Poland, can engage in the process of nation re-branding online. It is also argued that this process of online nation re-branding may legitimately be regarded as a type of civic practice through which citizens connect with each other and reproduce a form of cultural national intimacy. The results of the analysis of the online empirical material illustrate that nation re-branding is a complex, dynamic, and ambivalent phenomenon. It involves a process of discursive negotiation of nation and of national identity, but also challenges, dismantles, and transforms the national image as it is communicated both internally and externally. This reveals nation re-branding as an element in the post-socialist transformation from a "nation" to a "Western," "modern," and "normal" country in which dealing with an "old" nation brand is as equally important as the introduction of the new brand. Nationalism does not disappear in the digital age, but rather becomes part of the new way of doing politics online, whereby citizens are potentially granted a form of agency in the democratic process.
The aim of this dissertation is two-fold. First, the discussion seeks to understand the concepts of nationalism and patriotism and how they relate to one another. In respect to the more critical literature concerning nationalism, it asks whether these two concepts are as different as is sometimes assumed. Furthermore, by problematizing nation-branding as an "updated" form of nationalism, it seeks to understand whether we are facing the possible emergence of a new type of nationalism. Second, the study endeavors to discursively analyze the "bottom-up" processes of national reproduction and re-definition in an online, post-socialist context through an empirical examination of the online debate and polemic about the new Polish patriotism. The dissertation argues that approaching nationalism as a broad phenomenon and ideology which operates discursively is helpful for understanding patriotism as an element of the nationalist rhetoric that can be employed to study national unity, sameness, and difference. Emphasizing patriotism within the Central European context as neither an alternative to nor as a type of nationalism may make it possible to explain the popularity and continuous endurance of nationalism and of practices of national identification in different and changing contexts. Instead of facing a new type of nationalism, we can then speak of new forms of engagement which take place in cyberspace that contribute to the process of reproduction of nationalism. The growing field of nation-branding, with both its practical and political implications, is presented as one of the ways in which nationalism is reproduced and maintained as a form of "soft" rather than "hard" power within the global context. The concept of nation re-branding is introduced in order to account for the role that citizens play in the process of nation branding, which has often been neglected in the literature. This concept is utilized to critically examine, understand, and explain the dynamics of nation brand construction and re-definition, with a particular focus on the discursive practices of citizens in cyberspace. It is argued that citizens in the post-socialist countries, including Poland, can engage in the process of nation re-branding online. It is also argued that this process of online nation re-branding may legitimately be regarded as a type of civic practice through which citizens connect with each other and reproduce a form of cultural national intimacy. The results of the analysis of the online empirical material illustrate that nation re-branding is a complex, dynamic, and ambivalent phenomenon. It involves a process of discursive negotiation of nation and of national identity, but also challenges, dismantles, and transforms the national image as it is communicated both internally and externally. This reveals nation re-branding as an element in the post-socialist transformation from a "nation" to a "Western," "modern," and "normal" country in which dealing with an "old" nation brand is as equally important as the introduction of the new brand. Nationalism does not disappear in the digital age, but rather becomes part of the new way of doing politics online, whereby citizens are potentially granted a form of agency in the democratic process.
Andy Warhol hat sich als der Porträtist einer grellen, bunten und künstlichen Welt eingeprägt, als der berühmteste aller Pop Artists, dessen Bilder vor allen Dingen eines sein sollten: Fröhlich, unkritisch und gefällig. Als einer der wichtigsten amerikanischen Künstler des 20. Jahrhunderts hat Warhol die Maßstäbe von Kunst neu gesetzt und beeinflusst bis heute unzählige KünstlerInnen. In der Wissenschaft herrscht jedoch weiterhin die Interpretation von Andy Warhol als unpolitischen Künstler vor, die - unterstützt durch Warhols eigene überlieferte Aussagen - eine Negierung einer politischen Dimension in Warhols Werk zur Folge hat. Das Bild eines an gesellschaftlichen und politischen Strömungen gänzlich uninteressierten und gleichgültigen Menschen, der eine tiefgründige Interpretation seiner Bilder von vorn herein für unzulässig oder zumindest für unsinnig erklärt, entsteht.Hinter der glatten und gleichgültigen Erscheinung Warhols fand sich jedoch ein durchaus politisch denkender und handelnder Mensch, der sich den kritischen Themen der Zeit in seinen Bildern und Filmen annahm. Ikonografische Analysen ausgewählter Werke vor dem gesellschaftlichen und politischen Hintergrund der jeweiligen Epoche verdeutlichen, dass sich Andy Warhol mit nahezu allen brisanten Themen seiner Zeit auseinandersetzte ? sei es die Bürgerrechtsbewegung und der Kampf der afro-amerikanischen Bevölkerung um Gleichberechtigung, die Ermordung Präsident Kennedys, die Aufrüstung und Eindämmungspolitik gegenüber kommunistischer Staaten im Kalten Krieg 5898und die wachsende nukleare Bedrohung, die Debatte um die Abschaffung der Todesstrafe oder die Gay Liberation Bewegung der 1960er-Jahre. Warhol gewann die Inspirationen für seine Bilder aus tagesaktuellen Berichten und so liest sich sein bildnerisches Werk heute nahezu als Chronik der Vereinigten Staaten der zweiten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts und offenbart einen komplexeren und kritischeren Menschen, als ein erster Blick vielleicht vermuten lässt. ; Today, Andy Warhol is renowned for being the most famous ?pop artist? and viewed as the portraitist of a dazzling, colorful and artificial world whose paintings first and foremost should be interpreted as happy, uncritical and agreeable art. Being one of the most important 20th century artists, Warhol has set new standards within the art world and is of great influence for artists up to this day. Interestingly, modern research has defined Warhol as an apolitical artist, and political backgrounds or incentives for his work are usually denied, often due to Warhol?s own sayings and comments. Warhol?s statements want to make everybody believe, that he is completely uninterested in (or at least indifferent about) political and social developments and that his works of art may not or can?t be interpreted in a political way. Behind this indifferent façade lies an artist, whose thoughts and acts were influenced by his interest in politics and who tackled his critical opinion in many of his paintings and movies. Through iconographic analysis and interpretation of the social and political background of selected works of art this thesis aims to show that Andy Warhol got involved with almost all the explosive political events of his time: The Civil Rights Movement, the Kennedy murder, the arms build-up during the Cold War and the US-containment policy against communist states and the growing concern of nuclear weapons, the movement for the abolition of the death penalty or the Gay Liberation Movement of the 1960s were just some of the topics Andy Warhol dealt with in his works of art. Warhol gained inspiration for new motifs in daily newspapers and magazines. His work can therefore be described almost as a chronicle of US-history of the 2nd half of the 20th century and reveals a far more complex, concerned and critical person than the world of art research would have guessed so far. ; vorgelegt von Julia Schuster ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Zsfassung in engl. Sprache ; Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb., 2011 ; (VLID)215399
In November 2007, Oregonians defeated Measure 50, an 84.5-cent cigarette tax increase to fund children's health insurance, by a vote of 59% no to 41% yes. This ballot measure would have established the Healthy Kids Program for otherwise uninsured children. Measure 50 revenues would also expand the Oregon Health Plan (Oregon's health care coverage for low-income residents) and provide additional funding for rural health and safety net clinics. Only 5% of the new revenues were dedicated to tobacco control. Measure 50 was a legislative referral of a bill that failed to pass as a statute during the regular legislative session. The Governor's Office and health and labor advocates tried several times to secure the three-fifths majority vote needed to pass a revenue-raising measure. Deprived of crucial votes with a Republican lockdown in the House, the Governor's Office and local contract lobbyist for the American Cancer Society (ACS) decided to support a legislative referral of the Healthy Kids Plan as a constitutional amendment, which only required the approval of a simple majority in the Legislature, to the ballot in the 2007 special election. Campaign spending for Measure 50 was the costliest in Oregon's history. The Yes on Healthy Kids PAC spent $3.7 million. The tobacco industry spent $12.1 million opposing the measure ($7.1 million from Philip Morris' Stop the Measure 50 Tax Hike PAC and $5.0 million from RJR's Oregonians Against the Blank Check PAC). From the outset, the Yes campaign faced several issues that put them at a disadvantage: the short timeline of less than five months from referral to election for a public education and media campaign, the unfavorable recourse of amending the constitution, and relatively low initial levels of public support (59% in March, falling to 53% in August). During the campaign, leadership was concentrated among three individuals who had experience in Oregon initiatives and politics, but who lacked the ability to effectively communicate and mobilize other advocates and volunteers involved in the campaign. RJ Reynolds and Philip Morris ran separate campaigns against Measure 50. Their combined $12 million directed at defeating the measure went to paid media and continuous polling that allowed the tobacco companies to define messages and hone in on issues that resonated most with voters throughout the state. The RJ Reynolds campaign had an effective spokesperson who was visible and stayed on message, unlike the Yes on Healthy Kids campaign, which lacked a strong identity with several speakers and changing messages. Measure 50 supporters blamed massive tobacco industry spending for their loss. This conclusion ignored flaws in the legislation itself; its small allocation to tobacco control and amendment to the constitution made it susceptible to attack from the tobacco industry. The Yes campaign also suffered from a lack of communication and cooperation within the campaign and did not learn lessons from other cigarette tax increase initiatives throughout the United States. The tobacco control community will continue to be disappointed with their campaign efforts to increase tobacco taxes until they begin to learn from these repeated past mistakes.
A conspicuous trend in the development of the contemporary world is the growing role of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in politics, the economy, and sociocultural progress. This phenomenon is typical of most states that are at different levels of socioeconomic and political development. On the whole, the growth of the nongovernmental sector can be characterized as a global phenomenon. An analysis of the entire range of socioeconomic and political changes associated with the growing role of NGOs in the world at the current stage shows that the so-called Third Sector is an important factor of social transformation. Taking into account advanced foreign experience and the current development trends in the world's leading countries, several widespread sociopolitical changes have occurred in Kazakhstan. One of the main trends was the change in paradigm of interaction between the government and the nongovernmental sector: the inconsistent dialog of the past has given way to mutually beneficial cooperation. It is a well-known fact that liberalization of the political system in any country is not only aimed at increasing citizens' participation in sociopolitical life, but also at encouraging their integration in the system of power relations within the framework of the state's Constitution. One of the main characteristics by which the potential development of a civil society in a particular country can be judged is the ability of its population to carry out sociocultural and political self-organization. In this sense, improvement of the nongovernmental sector is an inalienable attribute of a transforming society, since it directly encourages and expands methods of interaction between civil society institutions and the government. A civil society must be structured in order to function efficiently; therefore, nongovernmental, non-profit associations and organizations are an important part of this society. It stands to reason that the development of a civil society is gauged by the amount, condition, and efficiency of the activity of nongovernmental organizations. It is believed that NGOs can efficiently mediate between the state and its citizens in regulating public relations by fulfilling many important functions in social processes and transformations. The current disputes concern the relations between a civil society and nongovernmental organizations: do NGOs create a civil society, or vice versa? For example, specialists from Freedom House, an American nongovernmental organization, believe that a civil society creates conditions for the emergence and activity of NGOs, since they make a civil society more viable. 1 Today we are observing the complex and multifaceted formation of the Kazakhstan nongovernmental sector, on which the foundations and traditions of its future enhancement are being built. The logic of Kazakhstan's further sociopolitical modernization requires building a sustainable civil society in the country at a faster, but qualitative rate. Without the development of this mandatory component of a contemporary civilized state, it will be impossible to achieve further economic and political progress in the country, since the economic, political, and civil spheres form a single system, the elements of which are in intricate, close, and constant interaction with each other.
During recent decades, the arenas of political decision-making have increasingly shifted from national governments to intergovernmental and transnational political forums. At the same time, the number and relevance of non-state actors in international politics is steadily growing. These trends have led political scientists to study and theorize about new forms of democracy beyond the national political arenas (Archibugi 2004, Bexell et al. 2010, Nasström 2010). However, democracy beyond the nation state is difficult to conceptualize with the idea of an institutionalized democracy within the borders of nation-states. Instead, many political scientists emphasize the role of civil society actors as a cure for the democratic deficit in inter-national politics (Steffek & Nanz 2008). Yet, normative and empirical problems arise over the extent of access, selection and role of civil society actors in international organizations (Tallberg et al. 2013). Furthermore, the normative relevance of transnational civil society actors makes it necessary to study their own democratic legitimacy. While international organizations are mostly institutionalized and hierarchical governing bodies, the ever growing diffuse conglomerate of non-state actors is characterized by fluid structures, blurry boundaries and a multi-level setting of interaction (Keck & Sikkink 1998). Thus, in studying democratic practice in transnational civil society networks, we must ask: How institutionalized do political practices have to be and how flexible can they be, to still be considered democratic? Normative theorists reconceptualized democracy in the light of this changing context (Bohman 2007). Recent concepts of participatory, deliberative and representative democracy attempt to reconfigure existing democratic institutions through procedural elements (Fung & Wright 2003, Dryzek 2006) or innovative forms of representation (Phillips 1998, Mansbridge 2003, Castiglione & Warren 2006). This emerging theoretical framework is well suited to analyze the extent, to which democratic practices exist within transnational civil society networks. By applying the concept of practice (Giddens 1984, Schatzki et al. 2005) as a bridging tool between the empirical reality of fluid, temporary and open transnational civil society networks on the one hand and the institution-oriented democratic theory on the other hand, this study explores the extent to which democratic practice develops in a field that lacks traditional institutions to guarantee citizen participation. As innovative transnational actors, civil society networks can bring up new forms of democratic practice (see Polletta 2006) that can potentially inspire the debate about transnational democracy as such. This study, with its innovate approach, hopes to invigorate the debate about transnational democracy and transnational civil society, which has stalled to some degree in recent years. The study is divided into three parts; first, a conceptual part that clarifies the question of how democracy as practice can be theoretically conceptualized in transnational civil society net-works, which is followed by an empirical exploration of political practices in the transnational civil society networks. In this second part, the main question is how participation, representation and deliberation practice develops in transnational civil society networks. Two cases of transnational civil society networks, the Clean Clothes Campaign and Friends of the Earth, are analyzed to provide insights into the democratic practice within transnational civil society. In the final part, the empirical findings are evaluated in the light of the outlined concepts of democratic theory in order to explore how democratic these political practices actually are. The study identifies implicit and in-process practices of democratic norms in transnational civil society networks. Political practice in transnational civil society networks can become demo-cratic through empowerment measures and trustful relationships. However, deliberate demo-cratic practice can be impeded by disembodied digital communication and complex decision-making. The study explores how new forms of democratic practice emerge in the interaction between political actors and the structural environments of actors and networks. ; Während der letzten Jahrzehnte haben sich die Arenen politischer Entscheidungsfindung immer mehr von nationalen Regierungen hinein in intergouvernmentale und transnationale politische Foren verschoben. Zur gleichen Zeit sind die Anzahl und Relevanz von Nichtregierungsorganisationen erheblich gestiegen. Diese Entwicklungen haben PolitikwissenschaftlerInnen dazu angeregt über neue Formen von Demokratie jenseits des Nationalstaats zu forschen und konzeptionell zu arbeiten (Archibugi 2004, Bexell et al. 2010, Nasström 2010). Demokratie jenseits des Nationalstaates ist allerdings sehr schwierig zu konzeptionalisieren im Rahmen einer institutionalisierten Auffassung von nationalstaatlicher Demokratie. Dahingegen haben viele ForscherInnen die Rolle von Zivilgesellschaft als ein Heilmittel gegen das Demokratiedefizit internationaler Politik hervorgehoben (Steffek & Nanz 2008). Hier entstehen allerdings auch normative und empirische Probleme mit dem Umfang von Zugang, Auswahl und Rolle zivilgesellschaftlicher Akteure in internationalen Organisationen (Tallberg et al. 2013). Darüber hinaus macht diese normative Relevanz transnationaler Zivilgesellschaft es notwendig auch deren demokratische Legitimität zu überprüfen. Während internationale Organisationen mehrheitlich sehr institutionalisiert und hierarchisch aufgebaute Regierungsorgane sind, ist das immer mehr anwachsende Konglomerat an Nichtregierungsorganisationen durch fluide Strukturen, aufgeweichte Grenzen und Mehrebeneninteraktionen geprägt (Keck & Sikkink 1998). Somit müssen wir beim Studium demokratischer Praxis in transnationaler Zivilgesellschaft fragen, wie institutionalisiert oder eben flexibel politische Praxis dort sein soll, um als demokratisch anerkannt zu werden. Einige normative TheoretikerInnen haben Demokratie bereits im Lichte dieser Veränderungen konzeptionalisiert (Bohman 2007). Gegenwärtige Konzepte partizpativer, deliberativer und repräsentativer Demokratie versuchen existierende demokratische Institutionen durch prozedurale Elemente zu rekonfigurieren (Fung & Wright 2003, Dryzek 2006) oder innovative Formen der Repräsentation zu konzipieren (Phillips 1998, Mansbridge 2003, Castiglione & Warren 2006). Dieser wachsende theoretische Rahmen ist sehr gut geeignet um demokratische Praxis in transnationalen zivilgesellschaftlichen Netzwerken zu untersuchen. Mithilfe des Praxiskonzepts (Giddens 1984, Schatzki et al. 2005) als Brücke zwischen der empirischen Realität fluider, temporärer und offener transnationaler zivilgesellschaftlicher Netzwerke auf der einen Seite und institutionen-orientierter Demokratietheorie auf der anderen Seite, will diese Studie erforschen, wie sich demokratische Praxis in einem Feld fast ohne institutionelle Verankerung, entwickelt. Als innovative transnationale Akteure können zivilgesellschaftliche Netzwerke auch neue Formen demokratischer Praxis ´erfinden´ (siehe Polletta 2006), die die Debatte um transnationale Demokratie inspirieren können. Diese Studie hofft deswegen die etwas stagnierte Debatte um transnationale Demokratie und Zivilgesellschaft mit diesem Beitrag beleben zu können. Die Studie ist in drei Teile geteilt; der erste theoretisch- konzeptionelle Teil beschäftigt sich mit den Möglichkeiten einer Konzeptionalisierung von Demokratie als Praxis. Daran anschließend folgt der zweite Teil der empirischen Erforschung politischer Praxis in transnationalen zivilgesellschaftlichen Netzwerken. In diesem zweiten Teil stellt sich die Hauptfrage nach der Entwicklung von Praktiken der Partizipation, Repräsentation und Deliberation in transnationalen zivilgesellschaftlichen Netzwerken. Zwei Fälle werden analysiert: die Clean Clothes Campaign und Friends of the Earth. Im Schlussteil werden die empirischen Ergebnisse in Hinsicht auf die demokratietheoretischen Überlegungen im ersten Teil diskutiert entlang der Frage, wie demokratisch die vorgefundenen politischen Praktiken einzuschätzen sind. Die Studie identifiziert eine implizite und prozedurale Praxis demokratischer Normen. Politische Praxis in transnationalen zivilgesellschaftlichen Netzwerken kann vor allem demokratisch werden durch Empowerment und vertrauensvolle Beziehungen. Trotzdem können z.B. auch deliberative Praktiken durch entkörperlichte, digitale Kommunikation und komplexe Entscheidungsverfahren behindert werden. Diese Studie untersucht, wie neue Formen demokratischer Praxis entstehen in der Interaktion zwischen politischen Akteuren und den strukturellen Verankerungen von Akteuren und Netzwerken.
341 p. ; Libro Electrónico ; This book is offered for consideration and critical reflection primarily by political science scholars throughout the world from beginning students to professors emeriti. Neither age nor erudition seems to make much difference in the prevailing assumption that killing is an inescapable part of the human condition that must be accepted in political theory and practice. It is hoped that readers will join in questioning this assumption and will contribute further stepping stones of thought and action toward a nonkilling global future. ; Este libro se ofrece a la consideración y la reflexión crítica sobre todo por los estudiosos de ciencias políticas en todo el mundo desde el principio a los estudiantes a los profesores eméritos. Ni la edad ni la erudición parece hacer mucha diferencia en la suposición dominante de que matar es una parte ineludible de la condición humana que debe ser aceptado en la teoría y la práctica política. Se espera que los lectores se unan a cuestionar este supuesto y que contribuirá aún más peldaños de pensamiento y acción hacia un futuro no alcanzar global. ; The long history of nonviolent cross-border interventions in situations of conflict constitutes a rich source of practical experience, of lessons learned. However, these lessons have never been drawn together and subjected to sustained scrutiny.In line with a new and comprehensive typology developed for this book, various examples of nonviolent cross-border direct interventions, which have been undertaken by activists rather than by humanitarian agencies, are described here and the lessons provided by these interventions are detailed. ; Contents Contents 7 Affirmation of the Global Nonkilling Spirit 13 For a Nonkilling World Report of the First Global Nonkilling Leadership Forum 15 Blessings of Acharya Shri Mahapragyaji 19 Opening Remarks 21 THE GLOBAL NONKILLING SPIRIT Hawaiian Spirituality of Nonkilling 27 Ha aheo Guanson Nonkilling in Buddhism 29 A.T. Ariyaratne The Global Nonkilling Spirit: Sources of Nonkilling Inspiration 31 Mairead Maguire Nonkilling in Hindu Tradition 33 Balwant "Bill" Bhaneja Humanism, Nonkilling, and Leadership 35 George Simson Roots of the Spirit of Nonkilling in Jainism 39 S. L. Gandhi Ants, Birds, Infants, and Humans: Notes on Islam and Nonkilling Politics 43 Chaiwat Satha-Anand Nonkilling in the Jewish Tradition 47 Alice Tucker Tao (Compassion) and Nonkilling 51 Rhee Dongshick Is a Nonkilling Haitian Voodoo Religions Possible 53 Max Paul THE CHALLENGE OF NONKILLING GLOBAL TRANSFORMATION Nonkilling Leadership and the Global Condition 61 Mairead Maguire Nonkilling Leadership for No-Poverty Development 67 A. T. Ariyaratne A Nonkilling World is Possible 71 Glenn D. Paige SIGNIFICANCE OF THE NONKILLING THESIS The Global Significance of the Nonkilling Thesis: The Ethics Link 79 Abdel-Salam Majali "Harmony is Most Valued": To Build a Harmony World 85 Zhao Baoxu Nonkilling as a Common Value and Global Program for Action 89 William V. Smirnov Achieving the Nonkilling Society in Nigeria: The Role of the Teacher 93 A. M. Wokocha On the Global Significance of the Nonkilling Thesis 97 Jose V. Abueva TRANSLATIONS AND CULTURAL EXPERIENCES Obstacles Faced in Translation from English to Arabic 105 Faisal O. Al-Rfouh Ohimsa Visva Rajniti 109 Rashida Khanam A Great Honor to do Something for a Nonkilling World 113 Tang Dahua Komentaryo tungkol sa pagsasalin ng Nonkilling Global Political Science 115 Galileo S. Zafra Joies et peines de la traduction en fraçais de Nonkilling Global Political Science 119 Max Paul Globalizing Understanding of Nonkilling Capabilities 121 Joám Evans Pim and Bárbara Kristensen Nonkilling Global Political Science in Hindi 129 N. Radhakrishnan Note on the Japanese Translation 133 H. Henry "Hank" Fukui Korean Translator's Note on Nonkilling Experiences 135 Yoon-Jae Chung Nonkilling Global Political Science Malayalam Edition 137 N. Radhakrishnan On the Mongolian Translation 141 Batchuluun Baldandorj Translating Nonkilling Global Political Science into Russian 143 Galina Startseva Nonkilling Global Political Science Sinhala Translator's Experience 145 Sunil Wijesiriwardena Nonkilling Global Political Science traduction en kiswahili 151 Mabwe Lucien Nonkilling Global Political Science Tamil Edition 155 N. Radhakrishnan A Brief Report on Translation into Urdu 157 Syed Sikander Mehdi PUBLICATION OF ENGLISH EDITIONS From Oxford to Xlibris: Story of an America "Samizdat" 161 Glenn D. Paige Nonkilling Global Political Science's Indian Edition 163 N. Radhakrishnan On Publishing the Philippine Edition of Nonkilling Global Political Science 167 Jose V. Abueva The Nigerian Edition of Nonkilling Global Political Science 169 Fidelis Allen COMMUNITY AWAKENING EXPERIENCES Towards a Nonkilling Filipino Society 175 Jose V. Abueva Founding of the Centre for Global Nonviolence Nigeria 181 Fidelis Allen The CCNGD: Philosophy, Structure, Progress and Outlook 185 Max Paul La societé non meurtrière est elle possible en Afrique des Grands Lacs? 191 Mabwe Lucien LESSONS FROM NONKILLING LEADERSHIP EXPERIENCES Transforming Leadership 205 James MacGregor Burns Tolstoy and the Doukhobors 207 Koozma J. Tarasoff Nonkilling Leadership Lessons from Gandhi 215 N. Radhakrishnan Building Nonkilling Muslim Societies: Relevance of Abdul Ghaffar Khan 221 Syed Sikander Mehdi Lessons from the Life of Martin Luther King, Jr. 225 Bernard LaFayette, Jr. Nonviolent Buddhist Leadership of A.T. Ariyaratne 229 Arjuna Krishnaratne Lessons from the Nonviolent Political Leadership of Gov. Guillermo Gaviria 233 Luis Botero "She Belongs to the Ages" - Petra Kelly (1947-1992) 239 Nancie Caraway Leadership Legacy of Petra Kelly 243 Eva Quistorp Ron Mallone and the Fellowship Party 251 Glenn D. Paige Leadership Lessons from the Sarvodaya Party of India 255 T. K. N. Unnithan The Role of Nonviolence Advisor to the Governor of Antioquia 263 Luis Botero Advising Leaders on Nonkilling Politics 265 Chaiwat Satha-Anand INTRODUCTION TO TRAINING METHODS Educating Leaders for Global Understanding 271 Abdel-Salam Majali The TRANSCEND approach to simple conflicts 273 Johan Galtung Kingian Nonviolence Leadership Training 285 Bernard LaFayette, Jr. and Charles L. Alphin, Sr. Brief Overview of the Shantisena (Gandhi's Peace Brigade) 289 N. Radhakrishnan The Shanti Sena of Gandhigram Rural University 299 Dennis August Almeida Charter for a World Without Violence 319 Contributors 329
In the article the problem to determine the nature, peculiarities of origin and means to overcome military conflicts like Russian-Ukrainian war (have been continuing since 2014) is studied.Modern scientific approaches to understanding of modern wars' essence such as the theory of "hybrid wars", "conflicts of low intensity", "privatized wars", рost-modern conflict and degenerate warfare are analyzed.Special attention is given to M. Kaldor's conception of "new war" and the unusual character of modern wars is emphasized, when elements of partisan confrontation and international warring parties are combined. In reality it is impossible to distinguish civilian population from warring parties. A very important feature is the formation of new forces, which are decentralized and consist of many different types (para-military secessionist units, local field commanders, mercenaries and regular armies).The author gives special consideration to such nuance of Russian-Ukrainian war as the destruction of Ukrainian statehood by the Russian Federation (RF) using not only the external front but the inner one. In the article the influence of the RF on home Ukrainian problems is proposed to study in three projections: political, economic and cultural. At the same time the accent is made on the RF's using of democratic Ukrainian procedures and institutions for Russia's benefit.As to the economic component, Russia holds an interest in creating of additional expenses for Ukraine because of: 1) population that in fact is in occupation (social services: pensions, indemnities for health and home losses, etc.); 2) destruction of infrastructure in occupied regions; 3) works in territories under the RF's control.The cultural changes, which help Russia in the war confrontation, are emphasized. Firstly, it is the formation of a separate regional identity (prevailing over the state one) in the occupied territories. Secondly, there are strained relations (between Russians and Ukrainians, parishioners of the Moscow and Kiev Patriarchate, age strata, etc.). Thirdly, gradual destruction of "new" Ukrainian heroes' (soldier of Anti-Terrorist Operation (ATO)) images is conducted. Fourthly, they consolidate negative images of local population of the 'LPR'-'DPR', who couldn't defend the independence of their region and now make additional budgetary loadings.Reasons of Russia entry into the war against Ukraine are also analyzed in the article. These reasons are: overdependence of Russian economic system from external world, fatal developmental scientific lag. The author indicates that concentration of social attention on the war let mobilize Russian society to struggle against common enemy, level the aftermath of hydrocarbon era and inevitable social and economic polarization of Russian society.The following aspects are treated by the author as the aftermath of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict:compensation of total government ownership and encroachment on rights ands freedoms of Russian citizens by means of felling like "the great nation" as the result of the of Ukrainian territory seizure (the Crimea); 2) creation of a precedent to reconsider post-World War II agreements.In the conclusions of the article it is indicated that the most acceptable for the RF variant of further Russian-Ukrainian conflict is its tailing. The existence of the "grey zone" (the 'LPR and the 'DPR') is advantageous in long-term perspective: to make up economic losses; to draw dividends from the opportunity to influence Ukraine the opportunities to reallocate areas of influence in world politics. ; In the article the problem to determine the nature, peculiarities of origin and means to overcome military conflicts like Russian-Ukrainian war (have been continuing since 2014) is studied.Modern scientific approaches to understanding of modern wars' essence such as the theory of "hybrid wars", "conflicts of low intensity", "privatized wars", рost-modern conflict and degenerate warfare are analyzed.Special attention is given to M. Kaldor's conception of "new war" and the unusual character of modern wars is emphasized, when elements of partisan confrontation and international warring parties are combined. In reality it is impossible to distinguish civilian population from warring parties. A very important feature is the formation of new forces, which are decentralized and consist of many different types (para-military secessionist units, local field commanders, mercenaries and regular armies).The author gives special consideration to such nuance of Russian-Ukrainian war as the destruction of Ukrainian statehood by the Russian Federation (RF) using not only the external front but the inner one. In the article the influence of the RF on home Ukrainian problems is proposed to study in three projections: political, economic and cultural. At the same time the accent is made on the RF's using of democratic Ukrainian procedures and institutions for Russia's benefit.As to the economic component, Russia holds an interest in creating of additional expenses for Ukraine because of: 1) population that in fact is in occupation (social services: pensions, indemnities for health and home losses, etc.); 2) destruction of infrastructure in occupied regions; 3) works in territories under the RF's control.The cultural changes, which help Russia in the war confrontation, are emphasized. Firstly, it is the formation of a separate regional identity (prevailing over the state one) in the occupied territories. Secondly, there are strained relations (between Russians and Ukrainians, parishioners of the Moscow and Kiev Patriarchate, age strata, etc.). Thirdly, gradual destruction of "new" Ukrainian heroes' (soldier of Anti-Terrorist Operation (ATO)) images is conducted. Fourthly, they consolidate negative images of local population of the 'LPR'-'DPR', who couldn't defend the independence of their region and now make additional budgetary loadings.Reasons of Russia entry into the war against Ukraine are also analyzed in the article. These reasons are: overdependence of Russian economic system from external world, fatal developmental scientific lag. The author indicates that concentration of social attention on the war let mobilize Russian society to struggle against common enemy, level the aftermath of hydrocarbon era and inevitable social and economic polarization of Russian society.The following aspects are treated by the author as the aftermath of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict:compensation of total government ownership and encroachment on rights ands freedoms of Russian citizens by means of felling like "the great nation" as the result of the of Ukrainian territory seizure (the Crimea); 2) creation of a precedent to reconsider post-World War II agreements.In the conclusions of the article it is indicated that the most acceptable for the RF variant of further Russian-Ukrainian conflict is its tailing. The existence of the "grey zone" (the 'LPR and the 'DPR') is advantageous in long-term perspective: to make up economic losses; to draw dividends from the opportunity to influence Ukraine the opportunities to reallocate areas of influence in world politics.
"Projecting Nation explores the ways in which national and transnational forces have shaped the representation of race and nation in South African films produced after the transition to a multiracial democracy"--
