Suchergebnisse

Стаття присвячена дослідженню особливостей та правових засад сучасної державної політики у сфері національних меншин (спільнот) України, а також проблеми обмеження конституційних прав та свобод національних меншин (спільнот) у КНР та Болгарії.Авторський методологічний аналіз включав низку філософських, загальнонаукових та спеціально наукових методів. Зокрема метод порівняльного правознавства застосовувався для аналізу досвіду КНР та Болгарії щодо обмежень прав національних меншин (спільнот). Компаративний метод сприяв узагальненню знань у сфері державної політики у сфері національних меншин (спільнот).Репрезентовані позиції науковців та інституційних міжнародних органів щодо державної політики у сфері національних меншин (спільнот), мотивовано позицію казуальним виміром. Авторами розкрито ключові моменти державної політики у сфері національних меншин (спільнот), окрему увагу сконцентровано на проблемі позитивної дискримінації (особливому захисті) національних меншин. Вказано на труднощі реалізації державної політики у сфері національних меншин (спільнот) у КНР та Болгарії, а також піднято питання правового становища болгарської меншості (спільноти) України.У статті відображено основні напрямки державної політики у сфері національних меншин (спільнот) та основні завдання Державної служби України з етнополітики та свободи совісті. Приклади дискримінації македонської національної меншини в Болгарії, з одного боку, і вільного, рівноправного розвитку всіх націй і народів, що проживають на території України, – з іншого, ні недосконалість міжнародного законодавства, ні слабкість міжнародно-правових інститутів захисту прав людини не є головною перешкодою для вільного національного розвитку народів та окремих індивідів. Як найважливіша умова та об'єктивний чинник такого розвитку виступає державна національна політика, яка може або сприяти національному розвитку, або гальмувати його.Констатовано, що конституційні засади сучасної державної національної політики України утворюють положення Конституції України, що закріплюють найважливіші цінності конституційного ладу України. Звернено увагу, що національна політика України націлена насамперед на досягнення балансу, паритету інтересів кожної людини окремо та всіх народів (спільнот), що проживають на території України, у сфері національних відносин.У висновку зазначено, що національна політика України – це правова політика держави у галузі регламентації правового статусу національних меншин, формування нормативної бази, що забезпечує реалізацію національної політики на рівні органів державної влади та місцевого самоврядування в Україні.

У статті розглядається поточний російсько-український конфлікт із точки зору класичної теорії тріадичного зв'язку Роджерса Брубейкера. Ми протиставляємо нову політику пам'яті, освіти та мови в Україні після Євромайдану офіційній російській критиці з її широкими посиланнями на, серед іншого, нацизм та "етноцид", міжрегіональну напруженість всередині України, а також спільне "героїчне" минуле росіян і українців. На перший погляд, риторичне та політичне загострення між Україною та Росією у 2014-2019 роках виглядає як типовий тристоронній конфлікт між постколоніальною державою-націоналізатором, етнічною меншиною та її зовнішньою батьківщиною, за концептуалізацією Брубейкера. Проте на основі історичної контекстуалізації ми робимо висновок, що класична теорія тріадичного наступу може лише частково пояснити причинно- наслідкові механізми ескалації російсько-українського конфлікту.

The article deals with the coverage of one of the most conflicting contemporary social phenomena - separatism. Its emergence is compounded by the widespread of contradiction between two principles of modern international law - the selfdetermination of peoples and the territorial integrity of states. In seeking for resolving of this contradiction, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe recommends protecting the possibility of exercising the right of ethnic minorities to their selfdetermination without providing an autonomous right to their separation. Thus, the recommendation of the Parliamentary Assembly not only provided ample opportunity for a deeper understanding of the principle of self-determination of nations, but also expanded the use of new varieties of separatism terms: secession; irredentism; enosis; devolution. To confirm this conclusion, we have analyzed the activities of a number of separatist parties and movements legally operating in Europe, in particular in the United Kingdom (Scottish National Party), Canada (Liberal Party of Quebec), Spain (Buck Nationalist Party, Catalonia Independence Movement), etc. Concerning Catalonia's independence, the article emphasized that today in Europe, as in the whole world, such a political and legal situation has emerged that it is impossible to recognize its independence. Accordingly, any protests by the Catalans will be considered as unconstitutional. Given the conflicting nature of separatism both in Catalonia and in other regions of European countries, it is possible that the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe may subsequently propose changes and additions to the interpretation of international legal principles in order to more effectively remove the contradiction between the right of nations and the right to self-expression territorial integrity of states.

The purpose of this article is to examine potential trends in the development of the political system of Ukraine after the end of the Russia-Ukraine war. Social changes always take place taking into account both subjective and objective circumstances. Currently the Ukrainian state relies on three pillars for further transformation of political institutions: 1) the Ukrainian value-mental tradition, 2) our own experience of democratic development in recent decades, 3) the political will to embrace European values. The latter means that Ukraine voluntarily undertook the obligation to meet the Copenhagen criteria, including to demonstrate the stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, rule of law, human rights and protection of minorities. In the political circles of Ukraine, there is a "plan to restart the state", which boils down to structural changes in the system of public administration. Ukraine needs qualitative changes in the system of political relations, it is necessary to eliminate the contradiction between the form and content of political institutions. Archaic practices, nepotism, eastern methods of holding power by suppressing the opposition, corruption in the state apparatus and purely criminal practices are hidden behind the modern facade. War not only destroys, but also gives impulses for development through the mobilization of the nation's forces. We have a chance to restart political institutions and consolidate new structures born of war. We must pay attention to the institution of national resistance, which, through the movement of territorial defense and the volunteer movement, led to a situation of social filtering. As a result, strata of people crystallized, for whom the public good is higher than selfish interests. It is important not to lose the energy of the masses after the war and to use the patriotic movement to build political institutions.

The article presents the results of the study of the main archetypes and features of the Ukrainian national character in their translational/restraining influence on the process of diaspora formation. It is proven that the "borderline" existence of the Ukrainian people determined the features of their mental code, which in turn programs the historical reality. Therefore, the mentality, acting as a fundamental condition for the existence of the ethnophore, is considered by us as an important factor in building multilevel social relations, including those outside the maternal ethnos. The article substantiates the urgency of the problem of mental determination in the conditions of temporal challenges of today and emphasizes the direct reflection of the dialectic of existence of the Ukrainian people in their worldview. Historical retrospective testifies to the predisposition of Ukrainians to group life forms and the preservation of national-specific identifiers. On the other hand, the contradictory essence of the main mental features enshrines the "principle of situationality" of the separation process in the conditions of foreign ethnic majority. The diasporal dimension of studying the problem allows to recourse to leveling the negativism of particular mental attitudes. It is argued that axiological priorities as the basis for the differentiation of objects, phenomena and processes of the objective world are a necessary condition for the formation of a social individual within both maternal and foreign ethnic environment. Their extrapolation to social relations makes it possible to outline the basic behavioral mechanisms and to reflect on actions, through which individual experience is projected. It is that very individual experience that becomes an important factor in the re/integration of the diaspora representatives and the process of institutionalization of ethnic minorities.

The Crimean Tatar problem holds a leading position in the system of ethnocultural relations with the AR of Crimea. It is caused by a number of factors inherited from the past, as well as by the imperfection of the legislative basis of Ukraine, its ethnonational policy. Political and legal foundation, built during the years of independence, made it possible to combine the interests of all components of the Ukrainian political nation; however, it didn't provide equal conditions for the ethnonational development and active participation in state-building processes of Crimean Tatars and national minorities. According to the All-Ukrainian Population Census of 2001, the ethnic composition of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea is as follows: Ukrainians constitute 24.3%, Russians – 58.3%, Crimean Tatars – 12.0%, other nationalities – 5.4% (Belarusians – 1.4%, Tatars – 0,5%, etc.). Separate statistics regarding the city of Sevastopol indicated the prevalence of Russians (71.6%); almost the statistically average percentage of Ukrainians in Crimea (22.4%); and a small Crimean Tatar community (0.5%). During the years of independence, the national and cultural need of Ukrainians and Crimean Tatars to study in their mother tongues was extremely poor. So, out of 583 schools that functioned in Crimea in 2014, only 7 were Ukrainian, and from 23.4% of ethnically Ukrainian schoolchildren only 0.7% were taught in the state language. In the 2013–14 academic year, 5551 Crimean Tatar children were educated in their native language; the national-cultural needs of the Crimean Tatars were not completelythis situation was the lack of qualified pedagogical staff, lack of textbooks, etc. After the annexation of Crimea, the Ukrainian language, which the occupation government had recognized as one of the state languages, almost completely disappeared from the educational space of Crimea, with only 1 of 7 schools retaining Ukrainian-language instruction. Today, 15 general education establishments of the Republic of Crimea continue to provide their instruction in the Crimean Tatar language (201 classes, 3651 students). Long before the onset of the armed conflict in eastern Ukraine and the annexation of Crimea, challenges in the humanitarian field, in particular the tragedy of the Ukrainian language in the cultural and educational continuum of the peninsula, were in the sight of the Ukrainian humanities: lead scientists observed negative ethnocultural tendencies caused by the inaction of state authorities that reinforced the threat of disintegration and loss of state sovereignty. During the years of Ukrainian independence, Crimea hasn't formed strong pro-Ukrainian electorate capable of defending state sovereignty. Taking into account the constant support of Russia by the Russian community of the peninsula, lobbying for the idea of the "Russian World" and "the originally Russian Crimea", as well as the lame state support of Ukrainian and Crimean Tatar communities, which would be able to withstand the separatist threats, the ideological war in Crimea had been lost even before 2014, which became one of the reasons for the annexation of the peninsula.

The article highlights the views of prominent Russian Orthodox Church hierarchy for the Jewish people. Specified on the causes and characteristics charges Jews in changing attitudes towards Jesus Christ from the standpoint of Scripture and explaining Metropolitan Anthony. The article followed Bishop belonging to the Black Hundreds organizations, foundations, principles of their activities and views on the Jewish question. These basic ideas concerning the causes of restricting the rights of the Jewish people, and are examples of metropolitan public appeals to the public to prevent the spread of anti-Semitism and pogroms. The author reflects the Metropolitan's thoughts on the place that Jews can occupy in society. The analysis of the Metropolitan's activities, his statements and attitudes toward the Jewish population has led to the publication's findings, which highlight Metropolitan Anthony's figure as rather contradictory and his views on Jewry polar. He is a follower of imperial politics in the vision of the limited place and role of Jews in society, and considers it a natural and just phenomenon, while in line with the general policy of the state and the indulgence of existing stereotypes. As a clergyman who, imbued with Christian values, served his congregation, he guarded his wards, condemning the violence in their direction. At the same time, the Metropolitan did not manifest itself as an outspoken anti-Semite and did not proclaim on behalf of the church calls for such action.

The article is devoted to the disclosure of the place and role of ideology as a factor in the consolidation of Ukrainians in the post-colonial era. It is proved that in the Ukrainian state-building process the problem of consolidation of Ukrainians is relevant and complex, and still remains one of the most important. As Ukrainian progress, which opens up new opportunities for the socio-economic, political and spiritual development of Ukrainian society, depends on its solution. It is emphasized that effective work of subjects of consolidation of Ukrainians depends on a complex of socio-economic, political and spiritual factors. One of the determining factors in the spiritual sphere is ideology, which should be national in its essence, since it is intended to unite all representatives of ethnic and national minorities of Ukrainian society, based on the ideas of spirituality, social justice and national patriotism, taking into account historical traditions and existing realities of the modern world. Exactly this kind of unifying ideology should determine the main direction of the Ukrainian policy of the unity of society, the system of its ideals and values. Therefore, the search for such an ideology is an important factor in the consolidation of Ukrainians, especially in today post-colonial era. World experience clearly shows that those societies that have an ideological consolidation core, which is understandable and supported by every citizen, are developing more dynamically. According to its status, this consolidation core is one of the ideological foundations of state ideology, the discussion on its development is still ongoing. Its acuteness intensifies the existing confrontation of the various, though not formed party ideologies, which somehow still claim to state status, trying to revise the legislative norm, according to which the most important carrier of state ideology is the Constitution. And other bearers of state ideology have the right, within their powers and ideological directions, to use the fundamental principles of state ideology, such as: to defend state independence and sovereignty, democratic social order, civil society, human rights, etc., but they shoyd not revise these fundamental basics of statehood. A special protection needs a consolidation aspect of state ideology, since it is a kind of manifestation of civic education and the core of person politicization. In each state, ideology is called differently - Americanism, Russianism, Polonism, Zionism, and so on. In Ukraine, due to the kind of scientific ostracism that appeared (and quite well-grounded) after the proclamation of independence in connection with the contemporary ideology and mono-ideology that was in the Soviet Union, it is difficult to name the ideology. Nowadays, a number of scholars and party ideologists are inclined to think that the term "solidarism", based on the ideas of the consolidation of the ideology of Ukrainians, could be used, based on the ideas that only solidarity of just cooperation and mutual assistance of all members of society is the basis of social, economic and political progress.
It is noteworthy that some Ukrainian political parties in their updated (after the Revolution of Dignity) programs use the term "solidarism" to consolidate Ukrainians. In particular, the political party, the People's Front, defines its programmatic task to restore the territorial integrity of Ukraine, liberate it from terrorists, foreign troops, mercenaries, and to conduct reforms. The PF ideologists associate these tasks with the consolidation of Ukrainians. Ideologists of the Ukrainian Democratic Alliance for Reform (UDAR) political party proceed from the assumption that only a consolidated country can be effective and competitive in the world. "We must realize, - stated in the UDAR program, that the goals that unite us are more important than the historical myths and ideologies that can separate us." A lot of attention is paid to the problem of consolidation of Ukrainians through the disclosure of the idea of
solidarity in the program of the political party "Petro Poroshenko Bloc Solidarity "(new edition). In this program it is declared for the first time that the party puts the idea of solidarity at the basis of its ideology. The idea of solidarity in the «Batkivshchyna» Party, whose program was adopted in 1999, has its own story, but as long as this solidarity spirit is officially not reflected as an ideology in its program.
The article contains a recommendation for Ukrainian political forces to study more thoroughly the ideological grounds of solidarity ideas with a view to their possible use in their political and ideological activities.

The article focuses on the main trends in the revival of religion in the modern world, its active presence in global politics and international relations. It is substantiated that the religious revival at the turn of 1980-1990 in Ukraine, sharp Orthodox-Greek-Catholic and inter-Orthodox conflicts were the result of significant distortions of its institutional and confessional space caused by the party-Soviet religious policy. Special and specific signs of "return of religion" in Ukraine in the context of global religious changes, in particular, the dynamism, complexity and to this day the incompleteness of this process. The content and essential characteristics of the mutual influences of socio-cultural transformations and dynamics of changes in the religious complex of modern Ukraine, the influence of events related to the Revolution of Dignity and the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian war in the East of the country are analyzed. Peculiarities of life and social positioning of the main actors of the Ukrainian religious landscape, in particular, institutions of the Orthodox complex, UGCC, Protestant denominations, Islamic community, new religious movements are revealed. A number of difficult challenges facing the newly formed Orthodox Church of Ukraine are substantiated - ensuring internal unity, minimizing conflicts, creating their own landmark projects, finding a dialogical model of church reconciliation to overcome the religious frontier of the division of Ukrainian society. The dynamics of public ideas, clear ambivalence and controversy of public consciousness in the religious aspect - from the traditionally high level of trust in religion and the church, to a steady decline in assessments of their importance in the lives of citizens and socio-political processes. Conclusions and proposals on the intensification of the state policy of nationalcivil consolidation and active involvement of religion and religious organizations in this process have been formulated.

The article researches ideological principles of conflict regulation, in particular, the conflict in Eastern Ukraine in the context of forming of national-state ideology. This indicates theoretical and practical interest to a certain topic, which gets new sense and sound at each stage of national and state existence. It has been found out that political strategies should enable planning and forecasting political processes, minimize political bias, and meet reform projects. It is noted that the main vector of socio-cultural transformations had been proclaimed to be the posttotalitarian, post-colonial vector that a priori should permanently protect the state from the disadvantages and tragedies of the previous political era. Philosophical reflection is aimed at understanding of one of the most important components of national-state ideologies – a national idea. At present, there is no single national-state ideology in Ukraine, since new forms of understanding of social reality are in the process of formation. Obviously, it will be formed in the context of political forces' struggle and compromising. The crisis of unity in Ukrainian society is interpreted as a factor that does not contribute to the formation and implementation of a rational political strategy of the state. It is concluded that European spirit of Ukraine and national self-esteem should be formed on state level in internal and foreign politics, on theoretical level in the programs of state reforms, in the concepts and programs of education and upbringing, on daily life level in ideological regulations of interpersonal communication rules. It is concluded that there are the following steps towards peace, first, the cessation of hostilities and pressure, second, the establishment of dialogue, and third, the search for a solution to the contradictions through negotiations.

The article is devoted to the socio-psychological analysis of the image of a political leader in the space of thinking of Ukrainian student youth. The problems of the implementation of the political choice of student youth in the process of socio-political changes are revealed. As politics began to be perceived as personalized, through the prism of personal characteristics of particular political figures, it is relevant to study the role of the image of a political leader, which is characterized by the transformation of personal and professional qualities. The paper presents a comparative analysis of the results of an empirical study of the image of a political leader in the space of thinking of student youth conducted at the Nizhyn Mykola Gogol State University and Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University in 2011-2019. The article presents that formed image of the politician determines the level of political activity during elections. A comparative analysis of the results obtained concerning the priorities of student youth reveals the most important political quality of the political leader for student youth – his social orientation and concern for the people. The results of the comparative analysis indicate an increase in the political subjectivity of youth, but negative emotions (disappointment) impede the willingness for responsible participation in political life. Three groups of factors are identified that mediate the process of perception by the electorate of a political leader. Features of vertical and horizontal involvement of a citizen in political activity are revealed. The peculiarities of changing attitudes and the value-normative orientation of the political consciousness of modern students are demonstrated.

The article highlights changes in communication in "civil landscapes" of Ukrainian cities, as the parameters of temporality and spatial phenomenology. It is noted that the public space of a city is a special social and cultural form of being under conditions of Ukrainian's conflict. The methodological basis of the study is the concept of national identity, the theory of communicative action, as well as a cultural approach to the analysis of the temporal-spatial phenomenon of the city. The need for research practices focused on comprehending urban identity from the point of view of a "civic approach", establishing national values, and taking into account the communitarian principles of the formation of such an identity is articulated. Civil urban sites are analyzed through the prism of lighting of nationally sensitive time-space. Differences in communicative-spatial transformations of Ukrainian cities, character of presentation of their national-cultural identity in communicative space are described. The pro-active practices of the locals re-vitalizing the Ukrainian space, through the prospect of designing a "national-cultural reality" – of Ukrainian citizenship are outlined. The violation of the cordial eye of the majority of national identities, as if they were based on the front line of the Russian-Ukrainian war and the coveted national-cultural frontiers of Ukraine, move forward. There is a shift in worldview boundaries along the national identity of communities that find themselves on the front lines of the Russian-Ukrainian war and become defensive national-cultural frontiers of Eastern Ukraine. It is noted that the spatial connections of Ukrainian cities and communities require a more powerful national-cultural articulation of the symbolic structure of urban politics and topos' mnemonics.

The revolutionary transition of power to democratic forces after the "dignity revolution" in 2014 in Ukraine did not indicate the absence of contradictions within the new ruling class, because patriotic and devotion to democratic transformation are not the only condition for the consolidation of the ruling class. The democratic theory of the elite, which corresponds to the essence of the designated form of government, recognizes the existence of a select minority (elite) in each of the social spheres, which owns intellectual and voluntary law, not leadership. The relations between the elites are not stable, but on the contrary may become exacerbated in the fractured periods of history In the countries of "young democracy", the relationship between the political and military elite is controversial lace of relations, because the military elite represents a closed "group of interests" in politics, so it can move from supporting the ruling class to a strong opponent of relations. Even the neutral position of the military elite includes a variant of interference in political processes of power scale. Revolutionary changes on Ukraine's path to European integration may have been deeply embedded in the formation of a new military elite that has tempered itself in the armed struggle with the Russian-separatist forces, was engaged in joint exercises, and most importantly, in business cooperation with representatives of the military elites of the West, which have a long tradition Serious interaction with the ruling class. Taking into account that social and political processes in Ukraine can be compared with developing countries, the whole set of contradictory relations between the political and military elite in our country should be directed to the general line of constitutional-legal civil-military relations.

The author considers in this article the problem of definition the characteristics of the non-independent status of Ukraine at the time of the Russian Empire and the USSR as one of the key for the Ukrainian philosophy of history, political science and politics. This problem is extremely important both from a theoretical and a practical point of view. According to the author, Ukraine really had the status of a colony in one form or another, although nominally in the USSR was one of the "sovereign republics". The article outlines the main factors that prevent scholars from unanimously recognizing this status, criticized those areas of Western Postcolonial Studies, where hypertrophied racial factors and the "overseas territories" factor, and, in addition, the Russian Empire is ignored as a colonial state. The part of those researchers, who deny the colonial status of Ukraine in the USSR, emphasize the aggressive nature of Bolshevism and the imperial policy of Moscow, but at the same time they are talking about "occupied Ukraine." For example, the main territory of Ukraine after the collapse of the Russian Empire was occupied by Bolshevik Russia. After the Second World War, when almost all of the Ukrainian lands were united under the USSR, they were given an occupation regime that existed until the 1990s. The author of the article believes that this approach is a simplification of the real situation. The period of occupation in Eastern Ukraine ended in 1921, when the Bolsheviks were forced to make certain concessions to the Ukrainians, and in Western Ukraine - in 1953, shortly after Stalin's death. There has come a long period of colonial exploitation of Ukrainian resources, including human, whose consequences considerably complicate the life of the restored independent Ukrainian state. Decolonization is an incomparably more complex and prolonged process than liberation from occupation and overcoming its consequences.

The real Ukrainian situation connected with creation of projects of the future of the country during all previous years of the newest Ukrainian independence has been analyzed. It is indicated on the process of developing projects of the common future of Ukraine as one of the consolidating community of factors. The emphasis is on the specificity of the formation of joint future projects in the post-colonial (transition) period. This is a characteristic of the four main, according to the author, the projects of the Ukrainian future, which had a public response during the post-Soviet period of Ukraine's development. Among them: 1. Ukraine becomes a full member of the European Union, overcoming the final defects of the postcolonial period of its own existence and becoming a civilized European modern, democratic, independent social state. 2. Ukraine becomes part of the new Kremlin Empire and part of the "Russian world". 3. Ukraine focuses only on its own strength, becomes independent of the East and West and is not part of any more global alliances. 4. Ukraine goes to Europe together with democratic Russia. The article notes the utopia of the project of building a democratic Russia. It is concluded that the desirable short-term future for Ukraine should be its actual entry into the European Union as a full member of this community; joining NATO and victory in the war with the Russian aggressor as a condition for a guaranteed future; the cultural and intellectual prosperity of a country with an effective economy, democratic principles of politics and mass creativity of its citizens-actors of creating a dream-like future and ways to build a European state and nation. Over the projects of the future of Ukraine, we need to work constantly and seriously on all the intellectual forces of the country, in order not to again make all the people victims of others and their own unsuccessful experiments and criminal utopias.