Examines the development of national identities in the autonomous republics & regions that lie within the borders of modern Russia. To date, only Chechnya has attempted secession, despite some outbreaks of violence & demands for sovereignty by several other nationalities. Most of the republican leaderships have focused on winning concessions from the Russian Federation rather than fighting for independence. The author concludes that earlier demands for sovereignty reflected the wishes of political elites & did not represent any deep-rooted popular nationalism. Thus, the Russian Federation is likely to experience continued national harmony, if its leadership respects the rights of the republics. Any future secessions will most likely result from economic stresses rather than national identity per se. 5 Tables. J. R. Callahan
A comment on Will Kymlicka's "Western Political Theory and Ethnic Relations in Eastern Europe" (2001) argues that he assumes that post-Soviet states operate as Western states do. His never fully articulated assumption that post-Soviet states have the political will to solve problems related to ethnocultural diversity, possess a national majority that defines government policy toward minorities, retain a vision as to what such a policy looks like, & can make appropriate decisions to meet obligations is deemed unwarranted. The power structure of the post-Soviet states is addressed, along with national security issues related to minority groups & peculiar to postcommunist societies. The political dimension in determining who is or is not a nation or national minority is next touched on before considering how Crimean Tatars view themselves, ie, as an indigenous nation rather than an ethnic group, a label that Kymlicka questions. It is argued that a two-nation state model would best answer the Crimean Tatar question.
A comment on Will Kymlicka's "Western Political Theory and Ethnic Relations in Eastern Europe" (2001) argues that he assumes that post-Soviet states operate as Western states do. His never fully articulated assumption that post-Soviet states have the political will to solve problems related to ethnocultural diversity, possess a national majority that defines government policy toward minorities, retain a vision as to what such a policy looks like, & can make appropriate decisions to meet obligations is deemed unwarranted. The power structure of the post-Soviet states is addressed, along with national security issues related to minority groups & peculiar to postcommunist societies. The political dimension in determining who is or is not a nation or national minority is next touched on before considering how Crimean Tatars view themselves, ie, as an indigenous nation rather than an ethnic group, a label that Kymlicka questions. It is argued that a two-nation state model would best answer the Crimean Tatar question.
Die Verfasser präsentieren Ergebnisse einer Untersuchung, die sie in Belgien durchgeführt haben. Das Ziel ist herauszufinden, ob die Zugehörigkeit zu einer Minderheit die Wahrnehmung der Gruppendiskriminierung beeinflusst. Die Forscher gehen von drei Annahmen aus: (1) Die Gruppe wird von der Aufnahmegesellschaft besonders diskriminiert, (2) die Zugehörigkeit zu einer bestimmten ethnischen Minderheit beeinflusst Wahrnehmung der Diskriminierung und (3) soziokulturelles Wissen und Kenntnisse der (Mehrheits-) Sprache fördern interethnische Kontakte und mindern das Gefühl der Gruppendiskriminierung. Untersucht wurden zwei Gruppen in Brüssel, aus Marokko (N=392) und aus der Türkei (N=587). Es wird die These vertreten, dass die Aktivitäten der Migranten im Rahmen von interethnischen Organisationen (z. B. Gewerkschaften) negativ mit dem Gefühl, diskriminiert zu sein, korrelieren. Daraus wird der Schluss gezogen, dass die Wahrnehmung von Gruppendiskriminierung als ein Indiz für mangelnde soziale Integration interpretiert werden muss. (ICF).
Explores cosmopolitanism in terms of political communities that transcend state borders, situating this treatment in the field of cosmopolitan democracy that views human needs as best served by global political institutions. Discussion opens with a consideration of various interpretations of cosmopolitanism, contending that political theorists employ the term without any idea of a global community of citizens. It is asserted that two ways exist for building political communities beyond national identities, assimilation into larger communities that replicate particularistic nationhood traits or federalization that fosters loyalties to the larger unit. The latter, multinational federalism, appears most promising. However, such a cosmopolitan project must address issues of asymmetry, enlargement, & democratization. In this light, it is asked whether current conditions of globalization even allow for the emergence of a global political community before even considering the possibility of cosmopolitan democracy. Thus, various patterns of extant supranational political community are examined to determine their impact on democratic citizenship. Four boundary regimes through which political communities can relate in a larger supranational context are identified: separate, nested, multilevel, or overlapping. It is argued that, in fact, the state system is transforming via a combination of the nested, multilevel, & overlapping patterns. In this light, the UN & EU are assessed. Focus turns to overlapping affiliations as manifest in transborder national minorities, global networks of indigenous groups, & transnational migrant communities. It is concluded that a cosmopolitan democracy might arise from this overlapping pattern of minority communities should an endogenous development of liberal norms emerge in response to challenges raised by the claims of these transnational communities' leaders. J. Zendejas
Explores cosmopolitanism in terms of political communities that transcend state borders, situating this treatment in the field of cosmopolitan democracy that views human needs as best served by global political institutions. Discussion opens with a consideration of various interpretations of cosmopolitanism, contending that political theorists employ the term without any idea of a global community of citizens. It is asserted that two ways exist for building political communities beyond national identities, assimilation into larger communities that replicate particularistic nationhood traits or federalization that fosters loyalties to the larger unit. The latter, multinational federalism, appears most promising. However, such a cosmopolitan project must address issues of asymmetry, enlargement, & democratization. In this light, it is asked whether current conditions of globalization even allow for the emergence of a global political community before even considering the possibility of cosmopolitan democracy. Thus, various patterns of extant supranational political community are examined to determine their impact on democratic citizenship. Four boundary regimes through which political communities can relate in a larger supranational context are identified: separate, nested, multilevel, or overlapping. It is argued that, in fact, the state system is transforming via a combination of the nested, multilevel, & overlapping patterns. In this light, the UN & EU are assessed. Focus turns to overlapping affiliations as manifest in transborder national minorities, global networks of indigenous groups, & transnational migrant communities. It is concluded that a cosmopolitan democracy might arise from this overlapping pattern of minority communities should an endogenous development of liberal norms emerge in response to challenges raised by the claims of these transnational communities' leaders. J. Zendejas
The experiences of African American & women workers at the Pullman (railroad car) Co during WWII are analyzed. While receiving government protection from discrimination during the war, these workers made some gains in employment opportunities. When labor shortages became critical in 1943, the company allowed them access to more skilled & semiskilled positions. However, management's attempts to maintain traditional racial & gender roles relegated women & minorities as much as possible to clerical & semiskilled positions. Further, after protection from discrimination was withdrawn at the end of the war, no further employment gains were made. While many black workers kept their positions, female workers were largely replaced by new male employees; most of the permanent gains women made were in office, rather than factory, positions. Black workers who retained their positions became the foundation both of a postwar black working class & of the civil rights movement. 1 Table. J. Ferrari
The political challenges & implications of the emergence of international terrorism are considered. Differences between 20th century terrorist activities & those represented by the September 11, 2001, attacks are highlighted to demonstrate the more severe problems posed by new terrorism, eg, the difficulty of comprehending the motives of terrorists who do not announce demands or objectives; moreover, it is stressed that 21st century terrorism is particularly dangerous since it combines religious & political perspectives, thereby reifying fallacious West/East & good/evil dualisms on the international level. Although liberalism provides a strategy for addressing security concerns & encouraging pluralism, it is stressed that liberalism must establish proper limits on pluralism & tolerance. Regardless of the ideological approach adopted toward new terrorism, two courses of action are recommended: the separation of politics & religion & Western nations' re-engagement in negotiations with the Middle East & other countries with large Islamic populations. J. W. Parker
Michel Foucault often spoke of the political in reference to his concept of governmentality, but he also sometimes employed the term in a strongly antigovernmental sense, which betrays a certain utopianism in his theory. While his notion of governmentality is counterposed to Enlightenment understandings of the liberated self, Foucault also offers the prospect of liberation, from domination imposed both by ourselves & by others. It is suggested that Foucault's occasional embrace of this rhetoric of liberation implies that political discourse has something of a mimetic character. Thus, political thinkers would be wise not to follow Foucault in pretending that utopianism can be avoided in political discourse. Rather, they ought to acknowledge, as Foucault appears to do at times, that political critique depends on a utopian impulse. D. Ryfe
Discusses the present & potential dangers of democratic politics governed by technocracy: "the illegitimate extension of scientific ways of thinking to questions that do not admit of scientific answers, & the elevation of scientists & technicians to a position of responsibility for which their knowledge & skills alone do not qualify them." Although science & technology constitute an increasingly large portion of political & social life, their applications in the political & social realms have not achieved the utopian goals of justice & dissolution of bureaucracy. Despite the technocratic assertion that politics can be separated from ideology, it is suggested that politics requires ideology, & technocracy itself is a form of ideology. Understood as a medium for the socialized expression of conflicting beliefs, politics is thus both formed by & dependent on ideology. Further, it is argued that attempts to eliminate ideology from politics place technocratic rulers in a position of unearned & potentially dangerous authority. It is concluded that ideological disagreement & dissent are fundamental components of democracy, & cannot be eliminated through scientific analysis & methodology. T. Sevier
