Suchergebnisse

Examines the development of national identities in the autonomous republics & regions that lie within the borders of modern Russia. To date, only Chechnya has attempted secession, despite some outbreaks of violence & demands for sovereignty by several other nationalities. Most of the republican leaderships have focused on winning concessions from the Russian Federation rather than fighting for independence. The author concludes that earlier demands for sovereignty reflected the wishes of political elites & did not represent any deep-rooted popular nationalism. Thus, the Russian Federation is likely to experience continued national harmony, if its leadership respects the rights of the republics. Any future secessions will most likely result from economic stresses rather than national identity per se. 5 Tables. J. R. Callahan

"Der Vortrag greift sozialisationstheoretische Forschungstraditionen auf, die im Rahmen der Frankfurter Schule der Soziologie entwickelt wurden. Es wird nach dem Verhältnis von Beziehungserfahrungen in der Familie, Persönlichkeitsentwicklung und der Herausbildung von Aggressionen gegen Minderheiten (ethnischen, religiösen u.a.) gefragt. Der Ansatz der Untersuchungen zur 'autoritären Persönlichkeit' (Adorno, Frenkel-Brunswik u.a.) enthält hierzu wesentliche Beiträge; gleichwohl ist er in Deutschland überwiegend auf Kritik gestoßen. Einige der gängigen Argumente werden im Vortrag knapp erläutert und kritisch kommentiert. Zentraler Ausgangspunkt für sozialisations- und beziehungstheoretische Deutungen ethnozentrischer Potentiale ist in der 'AP' der Versuch, Tendenzen zur Idealisierung von Autoritäten und Aggressionen- gegen Schwächere miteinander in Beziehung zu setzen. Der Vortrag greift diesen Gedanken auf und stellt ein komplexeres, auf die Attachment-Forschung zurückgehendes Modell der kognitiven und affektiven Repräsentation von Beziehungserfahrungen vor. Es werden Zusammenhänge zwischen der Repräsentation von Beziehungserfahrungen und Aggressionen gegen Minderheiten dargestellt und in ihren theoretischen Implikationen diskutiert. Dabei werden unterschiedliche Varianten des Umgangs mit Aggressionen gegenüber elterlichen Autoritäten herausgearbeitet, die für die Interpretation ethnozentrischer Aggressionspotentiale von großer Bedeutung sind. Es wird versucht, diese Ergebnisse in ein Modell politischer Sozialisation zu integrieren, das familiendynamische Deutungen und die Analyse manifester politischer Sozialisation miteinander verknüpft." (Autorenreferat)

A comment on Will Kymlicka's "Western Political Theory and Ethnic Relations in Eastern Europe" (2001) argues that he assumes that post-Soviet states operate as Western states do. His never fully articulated assumption that post-Soviet states have the political will to solve problems related to ethnocultural diversity, possess a national majority that defines government policy toward minorities, retain a vision as to what such a policy looks like, & can make appropriate decisions to meet obligations is deemed unwarranted. The power structure of the post-Soviet states is addressed, along with national security issues related to minority groups & peculiar to postcommunist societies. The political dimension in determining who is or is not a nation or national minority is next touched on before considering how Crimean Tatars view themselves, ie, as an indigenous nation rather than an ethnic group, a label that Kymlicka questions. It is argued that a two-nation state model would best answer the Crimean Tatar question.

A comment on Will Kymlicka's "Western Political Theory and Ethnic Relations in Eastern Europe" (2001) argues that he assumes that post-Soviet states operate as Western states do. His never fully articulated assumption that post-Soviet states have the political will to solve problems related to ethnocultural diversity, possess a national majority that defines government policy toward minorities, retain a vision as to what such a policy looks like, & can make appropriate decisions to meet obligations is deemed unwarranted. The power structure of the post-Soviet states is addressed, along with national security issues related to minority groups & peculiar to postcommunist societies. The political dimension in determining who is or is not a nation or national minority is next touched on before considering how Crimean Tatars view themselves, ie, as an indigenous nation rather than an ethnic group, a label that Kymlicka questions. It is argued that a two-nation state model would best answer the Crimean Tatar question.