International audience ; Über die gegenwartspolitische Bedeutung der neueren französischen Geschichtspolitik ist bereits viel geschrieben worden. In dem vorliegenden Beitrag wird die Bedeutung der 'sarkozystischen', d.h. 'autoritär-populistischen' (Stuart Hall), im politischen Lager Nicolas Sarkozys entwickelten Geschichtspolitik für den Umgang mit rassifizierten gesellschaftlichen Minderheiten ausgelotet. Gezeigt wird, wie der 'sarkozystische' Umgang mit der französischen Kolonialvergangenheit darauf abzielt, ideologische Führung und politische Kontrolle (wieder) zu gewinnen. Dabei wird deutlich, wie der 'Sarkozysmus' zwischen einer diffusen Rehabilitierung des Kolonialismus und einer ideologischen 'Anrufung' gesellschaftlicher Minderheiten issue de la colonisation changiert. Dazu werden verschiedene Verlautbarungen Sarkozys zur französischen Kolonialvergangenheit sowie konkrete Modernisierungsvorschläge für die Ausrichtung der Gedenkpolitik und des schulischen Geschichtsunterrichts (Accoyer- und Kaspi-Kommission) analysiert.
The modern understanding of autonomy (at least in its strong version) often includes the idea of selflegislation. As was paradigmatically the case for the French Revolution, self-legislation was considered as ideally neither bound by tradition nor by existing institutions. But some contemporary political theorists of the bourgeois revolutions (including Hobbes and Burke) felt uneasy about the loss of order and therefore tried to dispense with the concept of autonomy altogether. This article reconstructs this unease and its relation to Habermas′ proposal of staging the desire for autonomy within an institutional setting. Habermas′ suggestion privileges the existing institutional order over the desire for autonomy. Against Habermas I stress the importance of the desire for autonomy with its consequences for threatening the authority of law. Against this threat, I advocate that we recognize an existing institutional order actively and explicitly.
Tagungsbericht: Weiß, Norman: "Democracy, Minorities and Human Rights Education in Europe" / Workshop im Rahmen des von der Volkswagen Stiftung geförderten Forschungsprojekts "Teaching Human Rights in Europe" am 5. und 6. März 2004.
Frederick II's well-publicised contempt for the imperial constitution has led most historians to conclude that the Empire mattered little to Prussia after 1740 until his apparent, belated conversion to the cause of German unity in 1785 when he sponsored the Fürstenbund. This reappraises Prussian policy to demonstrate that Frederick quickly appreciated the imperial constitution as a means of enhancing Prussian security and frustrating Habsburg policy. However, it proved far more difficult to manipulate imperial politics than he expected, not least because Prussian interests conflicted with the growing desire for constitutional reform.
Facing migration and integration many Europeans feel confronted with exceptional challenges today. However, historical migration research shows that these processes have always been central elements of European social and cultural history, and it also reveals that many 'native' insiders who today feel anxious about assimilation or even integration of immigrants are themselves the descendants of foreign outsiders. Apart from some well-known exceptions – e.g. the Huguenots – little is known about the multitude and diversity of groups who have moved across political, social, and cultural borders in modern European history. It is the purpose of the Encyclopedia to illuminate the broad spectrum of these migrations by presenting selected examples. Special significance is attached to permanent immigrations within Europe and from outside regions into Europe. Of particular interest are the resulting intergenerational processes of assimilation lasting for at least two generations. They include many forms of social and cultural composition as well as decomposition, ranging from the gradual disappearance and dissolution of group identities in assimilation processes to minority formations and diaspora situations.
This article investigates contributions and limitations of empirical educational research at the interface between science and politics using the example of large scale assessment-studies (LSA). Within the meta-theoretical frame of the divergent rationalities of science and politics and with reference to Goldthorpe’s (2001) concept of causation as a generative process, it describes the contributions of LSA in three fields: the theoretical and empirical conceptualization of domain-specific achievement dispositions, the description and explanation of social and ethnic disparities, and the identification of adolescents at risk of social exclusion at the transition to vocational training and the labor market. With reference to these examples, the article discusses whether it is theoretically and empirically advisable in social sciences to distinguish different forms of scientific knowledge according to their relevance for political decision-making. The article addresses the problem of how long-term communication can be established between science and politics despite the differences in their functional rationality and draws attention to the risk of not taking into account these differences and making promises that the social sciences cannot fulfill.
Der Sammelband vereint 16 Beiträge einer Ringvorlesung und eines interdisziplinären Symposiums zum Thema "Politics and Emotion", welche im Sommersemester 2011 an der Freien Universität Berlin stattfanden. Vertreter aus verschiedenen Fachbereichen warfen dabei einen Blick auf das Verhältnis von individuellen und kollektiven Emotionen. Durch den gemeinsamen Fokus auf die politische Dimension der Emotionen in der Frühen Neuzeit und in der Moderne wird das Forschungsfeld der Emotionsgeschichte gewinnbringend um einen transepochalen Ansatz erweitert. ; The 16 essays in this volume emerged out of a lecture series and an interdisciplinary conference on "Politics and Emotions" during summer term 2011 at the Freie Universität Berlin. Interdisciplinary perspectives explore the relation of individual and collective emotions. The shared focus on the political dimension of emotions in the Early Modern and Modern periods results in a transepochal approach to the history of emotions.
"Identität" ist zu einer politischen Kategorie geworden. In identitätspolitischen Konzepten geht es um die Definitionsmacht über Identitäten und ihre Durchsetzung im gesamtgesellschaftlichen bzw. globalen Kontext. Der Beitrag fragt zunächst danach, was Identität im Rahmen identitätspolitischer Konzeptionen eigentlich bedeutet, geht dann auf die damit eng verbundene Problematik der Diversität, der Vielfalt von Identitäten, ein, um schliesslich zu fragen, wie sich die Einheit diverser Identitäten denken liesse und was dies für den Identitätsbegriff der Identitätspolitik selbst bedeutet. ; "Identity" has become a political category. Identity-political concepts are about the power of definition over identities and their enforcement in the overall societal or global context. The article first asks what identity actually means in the context of identity-political conceptions, then addresses the closely related problem of diversity, the multiplicity of identities, in order to finally ask how the unity of diverse identities could be thought of and what this means for the concept of identity in identity politics itself.
In debates on new materialisms, politics is usually discussed with a reference to the distinction between political materiality and material politics. The former expresses the description of matter as agentic, that is, as political in the sense that it stabilizes and destabilizes social phenomena. In contrast, the latter formulates programs for a politics and in some cases political systems that take the material and non-human actors into account. It is important to see, however, that many positions within the heterogeneous new materialisms not only engage with politics but also with ethics. The article explores how the relation between politics and ethics is thought in two conceptions: the micropolitics of Rosi Braidotti and the cosmopolitics of Isabelle Stengers. In a consideration of their accounts the article carves out a perspective of a politics of response as programmatic in new materialisms. This positive reference to a responding in and with the world is a productive orientation for a post-anthropocentric politics. The notion of response, however, also tends to a possessive gesture that fails in theorizing antagonisms. This tendency prospectively should be addressed from a radical democratic perspective. ; In debates on new materialisms, politics is usually discussed with a reference to the distinction between political materiality and material politics. The former expresses the description of matter as agentic, that is, as political in the sense that it stabilizes and destabilizes social phenomena. In contrast, the latter formulates programs for a politics and in some cases political systems that take the material and non-human actors into account. It is important to see, however, that many positions within the heterogeneous new materialisms not only engage with politics but also with ethics. The article explores how the relation between politics and ethics is thought in two conceptions: the micropolitics of Rosi Braidotti and the cosmopolitics of Isabelle Stengers. In a consideration of their accounts the article carves out a perspective of a politics of response as programmatic in new materialisms. This positive reference to a responding in and with the world is a productive orientation for a post-anthropocentric politics. The notion of response, however, also tends to a possessive gesture that fails in theorizing antagonisms. This tendency prospectively should be addressed from a radical democratic perspective.
In debates on new materialisms, politics is usually discussed with a reference to the distinction between political materiality and material politics. The former expresses the description of matter as agentic, that is, as political in the sense that it stabilizes and destabilizes social phenomena. In contrast, the latter formulates programs for a politics and in some cases political systems that take the material and non-human actors into account. It is important to see, however, that many positions within the heterogeneous new materialisms not only engage with politics but also with ethics. The article explores how the relation between politics and ethics is thought in two conceptions: the micropolitics of Rosi Braidotti and the cosmopolitics of Isabelle Stengers. In a consideration of their accounts the article carves out a perspective of a politics of response as programmatic in new materialisms. This positive reference to a responding in and with the world is a productive orientation for a post-anthropocentric politics. The notion of response, however, also tends to a possessive gesture that fails in theorizing antagonisms. This tendency prospectively should be addressed from a radical democratic perspective.
International audience ; Ce texte est une présentation de la traduction, par Dominique Pradelle, de larges extraits de la correspondance échangée entre Husserl et Leibniz. Celle-ci est à la fois l'occasion de revenir sur l'œuvre philosophique propre de Dietrich Mahnke et d'expliciter le rapport de la phénoménologie husserlienne à la pensée leibnizienne. On cite ainsi les textes où Husserl reconnaît sa pensée comme un prolongement de la monadologie leibnizienne, identifie donc Leibniz comme l'un de ses précurseurs en philosophie, et caractérise son œuvre propre comme une purification de la métaphysique leibnizienne par la réduction phénoménologique, qui aboutit à une monadologie non métaphysique. En même temps, l'examen de cette correspondance permet de replacer les deux auteurs dans le contexte politique de la montée et de la victoire du nazisme : attitude initialement critique des deux auteurs face à ce nationalisme raciste, puis désespoir de Husserl à partir de 1933 face à la politique d'antisémitisme d'État mise en œuvre pr le régime, attitude en regard très conciliante de Mahnke face à ce même régime.
International audience ; Ce texte est une présentation de la traduction, par Dominique Pradelle, de larges extraits de la correspondance échangée entre Husserl et Leibniz. Celle-ci est à la fois l'occasion de revenir sur l'œuvre philosophique propre de Dietrich Mahnke et d'expliciter le rapport de la phénoménologie husserlienne à la pensée leibnizienne. On cite ainsi les textes où Husserl reconnaît sa pensée comme un prolongement de la monadologie leibnizienne, identifie donc Leibniz comme l'un de ses précurseurs en philosophie, et caractérise son œuvre propre comme une purification de la métaphysique leibnizienne par la réduction phénoménologique, qui aboutit à une monadologie non métaphysique. En même temps, l'examen de cette correspondance permet de replacer les deux auteurs dans le contexte politique de la montée et de la victoire du nazisme : attitude initialement critique des deux auteurs face à ce nationalisme raciste, puis désespoir de Husserl à partir de 1933 face à la politique d'antisémitisme d'État mise en œuvre pr le régime, attitude en regard très conciliante de Mahnke face à ce même régime.
In diesem Beitrag werden die Beziehungen zwischen dem "Pädagogischen" und dem "Politischen" im Werk Rousseaus geprüft, insbesondere hinsichtlich Émile (1762). Zunächst zeigt sich, dass diese beiden praktischen Bereiche menschlicher Tätigkeit relativ unabhängig voneinander zu sein scheinen: Émile ist keine Anwendung des Gesellschaftsvertrags auf den Bereich der Erziehung und umgekehrt ist Erziehung keine Alternative zur politischen Ohnmacht, d.h. Émile ist keine erzieherische Antizipation des Gesellschaftsvertrags. Im zweiten Teil aber zeigt die Analyse der Artikulation zwischen dem "Natürlichen" und dem "Künstlichen", dass Rousseau die beiden Bereiche in der gleichen Denkart strukturiert: die Vermittlung des "künstlichen Eingriffs" ist immer notwendig, damit dem Naturgesetz sowohl in der Erziehung als auch in der Politik Folge geleistet werden kann. (DIPF/Orig.) ; In his contribution, the author examines the relations between the "pedagogical" and the "political" in Rousseau's work, with special emphasis on the Émile (1762). At first, it appears as if these two practical spheres of human activity are rather independent of one another: the Émile does not constitute an application of the Social Contract onto the field of education and, vice versa, education is not an alternative to political impotence, i.e. the Émile does not constitute an educational anticipation of the Social Contract. In the second part, however, the analysis of the articulation between the "natural" and the "artificial" reveals that Rousseau applies the same mindset in the structuring of these two spheres: the mediation of the "artificial intervention" is always necessary in order to conform to the law of nature in both education and politics. (DIPF/Orig.)
In the course of the past decade, radical political theory has seen an increasedinterest in 'prefiguration'. Stemming from anarchist and feministtraditions, this idea prescribes a high measure of consistency between themeans and ends of revolutionary practice. But what is the place of violencein a prefigurative politics? Does it imply nonviolence as a moral or strategicprinciple? Or should its practitioners at least be prepared to engagein self-defence? After reconstructing various positions on this matter, thispaper seeks to offer an alternative perspective. Rather than to see violenceas a means or instrument that one willingly employs in a revolutionarysituation, it should instead be understood as a social given: something thatis often already implied in such a context. The question, then, is notwhether or how prefiguration and violence are compatible, but rather howviolence could be dealt with in a prefigurative way.
Die folgende Analyse geht auf die Wirkung von der Gegenwartsdichtung ein, die als Teil eines Kommunikationsprozesses gesehen wird, der zwischen der russischen Opposition, die der Dichter Dmitrij Bykov verkörpert, und dem Regime, das Wladimir Putin repräsentiert, in den Medien stattfindet.
