Suchergebnisse

A fourth component -- cultural -- is added to T. H. Marshall's (1965) three components of citizenship: civil, political, & social. Claims for cultural citizenship rights are examined in the case of linguistic culture. These claims can be disaggregated along three axes by distinguishing between the cultural practices of religion & language & their claims, by identifying different linguistic minority categories in political communities (ie, immigrants vs national minorities), & by considering the differential application of general rights depending on context. The general principles of religious toleration are not sufficient for the demands of linguistic minorities, because language is not only for communication, but also has identity & political functions. It is argued that the claims of immigrant & national minorities are different because the right to establish a language of public life is based on claims to territorial self-government. The relationship between the underlying nation-building project & claims for self-government & language rights is discussed. Six reasons that further support making a distinction between immigrant & national minority linguistic rights are developed, including waiving cultural protection through emigration & voluntary assimilation, scarcity of resources for dispersed groups, & the special obligations toward national minorities. 54 References. M. Pflum

A comment on Will Kymlicka's "Western Political Theory and Ethnic Relations in Eastern Europe" (2001) asserts that East & West are not so different that Western political theory could gain but little purchase in Eastern Europe. Taking the example of national minority rights in Romania, it is argued that universal ethical values underpin solutions to minority issues; the necessity of confronting modernity is the basis of key questions facing Western & Eastern European societies; globalization's interconnectedness makes this focus on modernity crucial; & that a society, as a functional system, must identify & resolve member problems. Following a brief look at Romania's ethnic diversity, nationalism as a form of political legitimation in postcommunist societies is touched on. Romanian nationalism, 1992-1996, is next addressed, noting how it effectively undermined pre-1990 legal protections of national minorities. Reconciliation with the Hungarian minority followed after the 1996 elections & in accordance with criteria for NATO & EU integration, & it is noted that the Hungarian minority question in Romania became one of regional stability as Hungary took responsibility for Hungarians outside its borders. In this light, it is contended that, contra Kymlicka, there is no need for any new political theory to account for Romanian diversity as Western thought & ideas were consistently drawn on by minority representatives & activists. Attention turns to principles of cultural autonomy & justice as applied to the Romanian case, delineating three levels of cost: civil/political rights, special measures, & social/economic rights. J. Zendejas

A comment on Will Kymlicka's "Western Political Theory and Ethnic Relations in Eastern Europe" (2001) asserts that East & West are not so different that Western political theory could gain but little purchase in Eastern Europe. Taking the example of national minority rights in Romania, it is argued that universal ethical values underpin solutions to minority issues; the necessity of confronting modernity is the basis of key questions facing Western & Eastern European societies; globalization's interconnectedness makes this focus on modernity crucial; & that a society, as a functional system, must identify & resolve member problems. Following a brief look at Romania's ethnic diversity, nationalism as a form of political legitimation in postcommunist societies is touched on. Romanian nationalism, 1992-1996, is next addressed, noting how it effectively undermined pre-1990 legal protections of national minorities. Reconciliation with the Hungarian minority followed after the 1996 elections & in accordance with criteria for NATO & EU integration, & it is noted that the Hungarian minority question in Romania became one of regional stability as Hungary took responsibility for Hungarians outside its borders. In this light, it is contended that, contra Kymlicka, there is no need for any new political theory to account for Romanian diversity as Western thought & ideas were consistently drawn on by minority representatives & activists. Attention turns to principles of cultural autonomy & justice as applied to the Romanian case, delineating three levels of cost: civil/political rights, special measures, & social/economic rights. J. Zendejas

A comment on Will Kymlicka's "Western Political Theory and Ethnic Relations in Eastern Europe" (2001) begins discussion with why Eastern Central European postcommunist societies might be reluctant to apply liberal & democratic approaches with respect to accommodating ethnocultural diversity. The region's historical legacy is seen as a prime basis for this aversion. Four options for minorities are next cited: marginalization, assimilation, & two forms of integration -- de facto autonomy & personal cultural autonomy. Eastern Central European countries have tried to limit their minorities to the first two options; some attention is given to Greece, seen as one of the most insecure countries regarding minority rights (despite not being a postcommunist country in transition), & its efforts to reform its minority & citizenship policies. Light is shed on the "minority rights paradox" whereby regardless of the growth of a culture of minority rights in society as a whole, there is almost no minority-rights-based political culture in the minorities themselves. Three reasons for this paradox are given, along with an exception that confirms the rule, ie, Hungarian minorities in Southeast Europe. It is contended that should this paradox be eclipsed, then minorities stand a chance to achieve recognition of & respect for their rights. Although majority nation building must concomitantly eschew coercive practices, hegemonic methods, restrictive policies, & exclusivist agendas that foster ethnocultural conflict; nation-building projects must respect all other nation-building projects that citizens might identify with, eg, in the case of Greece, the Macedonian & Turkish nations. J. Zendejas

A comment on Will Kymlicka's "Western Political Theory and Ethnic Relations in Eastern Europe" (2001) begins discussion with why Eastern Central European postcommunist societies might be reluctant to apply liberal & democratic approaches with respect to accommodating ethnocultural diversity. The region's historical legacy is seen as a prime basis for this aversion. Four options for minorities are next cited: marginalization, assimilation, & two forms of integration -- de facto autonomy & personal cultural autonomy. Eastern Central European countries have tried to limit their minorities to the first two options; some attention is given to Greece, seen as one of the most insecure countries regarding minority rights (despite not being a postcommunist country in transition), & its efforts to reform its minority & citizenship policies. Light is shed on the "minority rights paradox" whereby regardless of the growth of a culture of minority rights in society as a whole, there is almost no minority-rights-based political culture in the minorities themselves. Three reasons for this paradox are given, along with an exception that confirms the rule, ie, Hungarian minorities in Southeast Europe. It is contended that should this paradox be eclipsed, then minorities stand a chance to achieve recognition of & respect for their rights. Although majority nation building must concomitantly eschew coercive practices, hegemonic methods, restrictive policies, & exclusivist agendas that foster ethnocultural conflict; nation-building projects must respect all other nation-building projects that citizens might identify with, eg, in the case of Greece, the Macedonian & Turkish nations. J. Zendejas

A comment on Will Kymlicka's "Western Political Theory and Ethnic Relations in Eastern Europe" (2001) discusses the validity of objections to territorial autonomy as a mechanism for reducing ethnic conflict: (1) Territorial autonomy is seen to lead to secession. (2) The putative minority homeland is no more culturally homogeneous than the whole state. After reviewing the history of territorial autonomy in the USSR, attention turns to actual experience of territorial autonomy among four groups. Analysis indicates that problems arise when territorial autonomy is taken away from groups that can cite a historical precedence for it during the Soviet period. In Gagauzia & Crimea, granting of territorial autonomy has been a positive experience; although in Dniestra, the outcome remains in question. While not a perfect solution, territorial autonomy is favored as a form of minority rights protection regime. J. Zendejas

A comment on Will Kymlicka's "Western Political Theory and Ethnic Relations in Eastern Europe" (2001) discusses the validity of objections to territorial autonomy as a mechanism for reducing ethnic conflict: (1) Territorial autonomy is seen to lead to secession. (2) The putative minority homeland is no more culturally homogeneous than the whole state. After reviewing the history of territorial autonomy in the USSR, attention turns to actual experience of territorial autonomy among four groups. Analysis indicates that problems arise when territorial autonomy is taken away from groups that can cite a historical precedence for it during the Soviet period. In Gagauzia & Crimea, granting of territorial autonomy has been a positive experience; although in Dniestra, the outcome remains in question. While not a perfect solution, territorial autonomy is favored as a form of minority rights protection regime. J. Zendejas

Draws on normative theory & micro-historical explanations to examine conflicts related to individual liberty & gender justice created by the demand of India's Muslims to live by their religiously coded personal laws. An overview of the evolution of individual/group rights & the history of Muslims in India is followed by a description of India's "majority-minority syndrome" that pits Hindus & Muslims against each other. An argument is made for a reasonable compromise position that retains the discourse of minority rights but accommodates reformed versions of personal laws related to inheritance, marriage, divorce, & maintenance. The attitude of Muslim women towards the laws that affect them is discussed, along with the offensive discourse of Hindu militants; & the ability of the historically transmitted majority-minority syndrome to prevent acceptance of any compromise. The syndrome could be overcome by curtailing the power of Hindu extremists who perpetuate it & encouraging acceptance of the idea of equal citizenship; however, current prospects for such a resolution appear dim. 17 References. J. Lindroth

Der Beitrag zur Entwicklung und Institutionalisierung der Menschenrechte in Europa beschreibt die Bemühungen der UN und ihrer Suborganisationen, durch Wissensvermittlung die Menschenrechte jedem Menschen zugänglich zu machen, ungeachtet des kulturellen und sozialen Hintergrunds. Der erste Schritt bestimmt zunächst die Bildungsaufgabe 'Menschenrechte' und skizziert das Ziel der Dekade der Menschenrechts-Bildung (1995-2004), proklamiert durch die UN-Generalversammlung 1994. Der zweite Schritt betrachtet die Themen und Zielgruppen der Dekade und analysiert die UN-Evaluation und weitere Aktivitäten seitens der UN und der UNESCO nach Beendigung der Dekade. Im dritten Schritt diskutieren die Autoren ihr eigenes Forschungsprojekt zum Verhältnis von Menschenrechten und Minderheiten und erklären, warum die Fokussierung auf Minderheiten interessante Informationen über Gesamtgesellschaften offenbart. In diesem Zusammenhang werden die Befunde (Bildung zu den Menschenrechten mit Minderheiten und ihre Hauptakteure) präsentiert und die Aktivitäten in einigen europäischen Ländern aufgezeigt, die im Zuge der UN-Dekade dem Unterrichtsgegenstand der Menschenrechte im Bildungssystem eine hohe Priorität beigemessen haben (wollen). (ICG). Die Untersuchung bezieht sich auf den Zeitraum 1995 bis 2005.

Draws on personal experience teaching a community college class called "Voices behind Bars" to document the situation of female prisoners as an "invisible" social group. It is contended that, in criminal justice systems around the world, the plight of women inmates is not taken as seriously as that of their male counterparts. Composing only 7% of the US prison & jail population in 1999 (though their numbers had tripled from 1985 to this date), women in prison are in a double bind: they are often not offered the same services (education, vocational training) as men, & their special situation & needs as women (child care, domestic violence victimization, poverty) are typically ignored; discriminatory attitudes by male correctional officials & guards, as well as outright abuse (rape), are also pervasive. Several individual case studies are offered, & policy implications are discussed. K. Hyatt Stewart