The Release Valve of Muslim Democracy: South-East Asia's Emerging Model
In: Global dialogue: weapons and war, Band 6, Heft 1-2, S. 11-22
ISSN: 1450-0590
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In: Global dialogue: weapons and war, Band 6, Heft 1-2, S. 11-22
ISSN: 1450-0590
In: Aktual'nye problemy Evropy: Current problems of Europe, Heft 1
In: Polity: the journal of the Northeastern Political Science Association, Band 33, Heft 4, S. 547-568
ISSN: 0032-3497
I profile three normative models of democracy at the center of current debates in democratic theory -- communitarian, deliberative, & agonistic. I then critique their limitations. Calling for greater sociological & political realism, I turn to Danilo Zolo's thesis of "complexity & democracy" & his view that today democracy is a supplemental feature of technooligarchic regimes. Drawing on the work of Zolo, Michel Foucault, & Sheldon Wolin, I relocate the idea & practice of democracy. I contend that contemporary democracy exists in its most vital & novel form as an ethos & set of strategies operating at the local & microlevels of adaptation & resistance to complex power & policy networks. Adapted from the source document.
In: Democratization, Band 14, Heft 4, S. 743-744
ISSN: 1351-0347
In: Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science, Band 38, Heft 1, S. 35
In: The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Band 431, Heft 1, S. 123-132
ISSN: 1552-3349
Soviet-type Communist systems are organized hierarchically and are highly formalized and bureaucratized. So are their industrial relations systems and schemes of worker participation in management. Between 1953 and 1975, the Soviet Union and the Soviet-controlled countries of Eastern Europe underwent a certain measure of modern ization. Nevertheless, their basic nature remained intact. The trade unions continued to be subordinate to the ruling parties, and the main forms of participation by the working people in management continued to be production con ferences and socialist emulation. During the same period, the Soviet model of industrial democracy was severely challenged in Poland (1956), Hungary (1956), and Czecho slovakia (1968). In addition, Yugoslavia launched a rival model as early as 1950. While spontaneous strikes occurred only occasionally, certain apolitical or non-ideological forms of deviance remained permanent features of the Soviet- type system, ranging from lateness for work and indif ferent performance through evasion and violation of formal norms to absenteeism, labor turnover, and pilferage. Al though in the mid-1970s the prospect of any far-reaching reforms was bleak, the contradictions inherent to the systems had not disappeared. Consequently, they were by no means free of potential conflict.
In: The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Band 431, S. 123-132
ISSN: 0002-7162
Soviet type communist systems are organized hierarchically & are highly formalized & bureaucratized, as are their industrial relations systems & schemes of worker participation in management. Between 1953 & 1975, the USSR & the Soviet-controlled countries of Eastern Europe underwent a certain measure of modernization. Nevertheless, the basic nature remained intact. The trade unions continued to be subordinate to the ruling parties, & the main forms of participation by the working people in management continued to be production conferences & socialist emulation. In the same period, the Soviet model of industrial democracy was severely challenged in Poland, Hungary, & Czechoslovakia. Yugoslavia launched a rival model as early as 1950. While spontaneous strikes occurred only occasionally, certain apolitical or nonideological forms of deviance remained permanent features of the Soviet type system, ranging from lateness for work & indifferent performance through evasion & violation of formal norms to absenteeism, labor turnover, & pilferage. Prospects for far reaching reforms are bleak, & contradictions inherent to the systems remain. Modified HA.
In: The library of contemporary essays in governance and political theory
The epistemic dimension of democratic authority? / David Estlund -- What deliberative democracy means / Amy Gutmann and Dennis Thompson -- Political communication in media society : does democracy still enjoy an epistemic dimension / Jurgen Habermas -- Deliberative democracy and the case for depoliticising government / Philip Pettit -- Legitimacy and economy in deliberative democracy / John S. Dryzek -- Making deliberative democracy practical : public consultation and dispute resolution / James S. Fishkin -- Deliberative impacts : the macro-political uptake of mini-publics / Robert E. Goodin and John S. Dryzek -- Reviving randomness for political rationality : elements of a theory of aleatory democracy / Hubertus Buchstein -- Models of democratic deliberation / Noelle McAfee -- Deliberative democracy or agonistic pluralism / Chantal Mouffe -- New mediation and direct representation : reconceptualizing representation in the digital age / Stephen Coleman -- The Internet, deliberative democracy, and power : radicalizing the public sphere / Lincoln Dahlberg -- Global democracy / Joshua Cohen and Charles F. Sabel -- Governance-driven democratization / Mark E. Warren -- Varieties of participation in complex governance / Archon Fung -- Participatory governance as deliberative empowerment : the cultural politics of discursive space / Frank Fischer
In: Journal of democracy, Band 12, Heft 3, S. 170-175
ISSN: 1086-3214
In: GIGA Focus Lateinamerika, Band 4
"Fast unbemerkt von der Weltöffentlichkeit wurde im lateinamerikanischen Superwahljahr auch in Costa Rica ein neuer Präsident gewählt. Am 5. Februar siegte der Expräsident und Friedensnobelpreisträger Óscar Arias Sánchez (Partido Liberación Nacional, PLN) mit einer Differenz von nur 1,1% der Stimmen vor Ottón Solís von der Mitte- Links-Partei Partido Acción Ciudadana (PAC). Die neue Regierung, die am 8. Mai die Amtsgeschäfte übernimmt, verfügt im Parlament über keine Mehrheit. Das Wahlergebnis beinhaltet eine klare Kritik der Bevölkerung an der politischen Elite des Landes. Die etablierten politischen Parteien handeln seit Jahren gegen die Bedürfnisse der Bevölkerung. Im Wahlergebnis spiegeln sich zentrale politische und soziale Krisen wider. Das traditionelle Zweiparteiensystem des Landes, das seit 1948 die Politik bestimmte, ist mit der Wahlniederlage der christlich-sozialen Partei und dem Aufstieg des PAC am Ende. Die Bevölkerung hat vor dem Hintergrund schwerwiegender Korruptionsskandale das Vertrauen in die alteingesessene politische Elite verloren. Das überraschend gute Ergebnis des erst vor fünf Jahren gegründeten PAC verdeutlicht die Stärke der wachsenden sozialen Protestbewegung gegen die Privatisierungen und den Freihandel. Arias siegte als charismatischer Spitzenkandidat, nicht als Vertreter eines politischen Programms. Dies könnte sich zum wunden Punkt einer Regierung entwickeln, die ohne Parlamentsmehrheit und gegen einen großen Teil der Bevölkerung regieren muss." (Autorenreferat)