An attempt is made to test the "spiral of silence" theory (Noelle-Neumann, E., 1974) -- ie, that majority opinion forces individuals to suppress minority views for fear of social isolation -- in a context that typically fosters uninhibited discussion -- computer chatrooms. Three key assumptions of the spiral of silence theory are identified & their applicability in the context of computer-mediated communication is assessed. Opinion expression in face-to-face & computer-mediated (chatroom) situations is compared in an experiment involving 48 undergraduates at Stanford U, CA. Results indicate that computer-mediated interaction can foster a "spiral of moderated opinion expression" rather than a spiral of silence. In addition, all participants in the computer-mediated setting -- both majority & minority opinion holders -- are perceived as more moderate than participants in the face-to-face setting. 2 Tables, 1 Figure, 46 References. K. Hyatt Stewart
Moderators are widely thought to be crucial to the facilitation of high-quality democratic debate, particularly in government-sponsored participatory exercises. There are, however, persistent fears that moderators censor rather than promote free speech, leading to a 'shadow of control'. This article analyses the relationship between moderation and censorship on two British central government online discussion fora: Downing Street's Speaker's Corner and Policy Forum, and Citizen Space's E-Democracy Forum. Two models of moderation are developed to help structure the analysis. The main conclusions are that moderation strategies must be clearly linked to the policy goals behind the forum, and that the moderator's roles should be separated to limit the so-called 'shadow'. The censorial role being conducted by an independent body, with facilitation activities conducted by civil servants linked to the policy being discussed.
"In his latest book, William Egginton laments the current debate over religion in America, in which religious fundamentalists have set the tone of political discourse--no one can get elected without advertising a personal relation to God, for example--and prominent atheists treat religious belief as the root of all evil. Neither of these positions, Egginton argues, adequately represents the attitudes of a majority of Americans who, while identifying as Christians, Jews, and Muslims, do not find fault with those who support different faiths and philosophies. In fact, Egginton goes so far as to question whether fundamentalists and atheists truly oppose each other, united as they are in their commitment to a 'code of codes.' In his view, being a religious fundamentalist does not require adhering to a particular religious creed. Fundamentalists--and stringent atheists--unconsciously believe that the methods we use to understand the world are all versions of an underlying master code. This code of codes represents an ultimate truth, explaining everything. Surprisingly, perhaps the most effective weapon against such thinking is religious moderation, a way of believing that questions the very possibility of a code of codes as the source of all human knowledge. The moderately religious, with their inherent skepticism toward a master code, are best suited to protect science, politics, and other diverse strains of knowledge from fundamentalist attack, and to promote a worldview based on the compatibility between religious faith and scientific method."--Jacket
A review essay on books by (1) Tony Judt, The Burden of Responsibility: Blum, Camus, Aron, and the French Twentieth Century (IL: U Chicago Press, 1998); (2) Stephen Eric Bronner, Camus: Portrait of a Moralist (Minneapolis: U Minnesota Press, 1999); (3) Brian C. Anderson, Raymond Aron: The Recovery of the Political (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1997); & (4) Pierre Manent, Modern Liberty and Its Discontents (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1998). These four books by French & American political theorists are specifically concerned with the two main opposing sides in the debate over the place of liberal democracy in the post-Cold War arena of international relations & all come to the conclusion that the solution to the problems of the modern era are moderation & a disenchanted form of liberalism. The reviewer cites how each work relates to the debate of whether the end of the Cold War has created new domination or destroyed the only threatening form of domination. E. Miller
Abstrak Sebagai agama yang diwahyukan, Allah menyatakan Islam sebagai agama khiyar (yang terpilih dan terbaik) dengan rekomendasi terbaik di sisi-Nya yang menempatkan pengikutnya sebagai sebaik-baik ummat, dan wasathon ummah yang memiliki karakter yang adil dan toleran. Islam dalam posisi ini sebagai "wasathiyyah" (moderasi) yang berarti di posisi tengah, seimbang, adil, toleran, tidak ekstrim di satu sisi dan selaras dengan prinsip "rabbaniyah". Makna wasathiyyah dalam ta'rif al-wasathiyah mencakup pilihan yang adil, pamungkas, terbaik dan seimbang antara dua titik berlawanan yang berlawanan. Islam moderat adalah konsep Islam yang tidak condong ke kiri atau kanan, tetapi jalan lurus dan umat Islam dinyatakan sebagai moderat, orang-orang terbaik yang akan menjadi saksi dan pionir perdamaian dan perbaikan dunia. Islam yang moderat dapat dipahami sebagai pandangan atau sikap yang selalu berusaha mengambil posisi tengah dari dua sikap yang berlawanan dan dibesar-besarkan sehingga salah satu dari dua sikap tersebut tidak mendominasi satu sisi. Dengan kata lain, seorang Muslim moderat adalah seorang Muslim yang memberikan nilai yang tepat dan seimbang untuk dua pemikiran atau sikap yang berlawanan. Karena manusia, siapa pun dia, tidak mampu melarikan diri dari pengaruh dan bias karena selalu ada pengaruh tradisi, pikiran, keluarga atau waktu dan tempat dalam hidupnya. Tidak mungkin untuk mewakili atau menawarkan moderasi penuh di dunia nyata, hanya Tuhan yang dapat melakukannya. ; As a revealed religion, Allah declared Islam as the khiyar religion (the chosen and the best) with the best accreditation in His side which places its followers as khoiru ummah, and wasathon ummah who has a fair and tolerant character. Yusuf Qardhawy interpreted Islam in this position as "wasathiyyah" (moderation) which means in the middle position, balanced, fair, tolerant, not extreme on one side and harmony with guiding principle "rabbaniyah". The meaning of wasathiyyah in ta'rif al-wasathiyahtheory covers fair, ultimate, best and balanced choice between two contradictory opposite points. Moderate Islam is a concept of Islam which does not lean to the left or right, but the straight path (shiroth mustaqim) and the Muslims are declared as moderates, the best people who will be the witnesses and pioneers of the world peace and betterment.Moderate Islamcan be understood as a view or an attitude that always tries to take the middle position of two opposite and exaggerated attitudes so that one of the two attitudes does not dominate one side. In other words, a moderate Muslim is a Muslim who gives proper and balanced value for two opposite thoughts or attitudes. Since man, whoever he is, is incapable of escaping himself from influence and bias as there is always influence of tradition, thought, family or time and place in his life. It is impossible to represent or offer full moderation in the real world, only God can do that.
This article contributes to the political economic literature regarding the effects of industrial relations institutions on national economic outcomes. Based on an econometric analysis of the determinants of wage moderation in sixteen industrialized countries between 1974 and 2000, it argues that the organizational characteristics of trade unions have a significant impact on wage dynamics. Controlling for a number of institutional and economic factors, the countries in which trade union confederations directly involve workers in the process of collective bargaining ratification have on average lower wage growth relative to productivity than others. The authors also find that collective bargaining coordination and contract ratification magnify each other's wage-dampening effect. Through case studies of Ireland and Italy, the article examines the causal mechanisms underlying the uncovered statistical regularities and concludes that, particularly at a time in which classic political exchange is waning, worker involvement in contract ratification allows confederation leaders to resolve conflicting claims inside their organizations at lower wage levels than are achieved by a less participatory governance process.
