la tesi sostenuta riguarda l'estraneità del pensiero anarchico alla modernità politico (non a quella culturale). Pertanto l'anarchismo non è pensiero politico legato al liberalismo (ed al socialismo). La tesi viene argomentata attraverso alcuni brani di Bakunin. ; The supported thesis concerns the extraneousness of anarchist thought to political modernity (not cultural). Therefore anarchism is not a political thought derived from liberalism (and socialism). The thesis is argued through some passages by Bakunin.
The macabre as motif in Maghreb literature is analysed in the works by Kateb Yacine, Mohammed Did, Mohammed Khaïr-Eddine e Abdelkébir Khatibi. The article starts from European and Arab sources and foregrounds the existence of a dual cultural background at the root of contemporary Maghreb literature. A common feature in the representation of death is its function as a restorative feature of collective consciousness, through the best aesthetic claims of literary modernity.
In the coastal area of Benin, the vodu is a widespread religious practice. In the last years, a vodu cult, called tron kpeto deka, has achieved an outstanding success. Its leaders and adepts define it a "modern" vodu, because it appears suitable to cope with the contemporary society dynamics: it is clean, tidy, its rituality is more simple, speedy and efficient. This vodu elaborates its own discourse of modernity that, in the local sense, speaks of desire of social progress and of confidence in a future of success and wellbeing. The history of tron kpeto deka started in Gold Coast, during the period of the anti witchcraft cults' widespread. During its geographical and historical path, that brought it from the Northern savannah region to the coastal area, the cult embedded signs, practices, symbols and objects evoking the universal religions and a vague and unpredictable idea of North. The post colonial Benin and the ambivalent relationship between politics and vodu, that was developed in that period, contributed to build a favourable ground for the tron kpeto deka. Its modernity and alien origins cope with the demands for a renewal of local religions: people who are no more comfortable with "archaic" vodu practices, who are more involved with contemporary dynamics and look at the universal religions as means to "enter the world", seem to find in the tron kpeto deka a suitable religious alternative. ; In the coastal area of Benin, the vodu is a widespread religious practice. In the last years, a vodu cult, called tron kpeto deka, has achieved an outstanding success. Its leaders and adepts define it a "modern" vodu, because it appears suitable to cope with the contemporary society dynamics: it is clean, tidy, its rituality is more simple, speedy and efficient. This vodu elaborates its own discourse of modernity that, in the local sense, speaks of desire of social progress and of confidence in a future of success and wellbeing. The history of tron kpeto deka started in Gold Coast, during the period of the anti witchcraft cults' widespread. During its geographical and historical path, that brought it from the Northern savannah region to the coastal area, the cult embedded signs, practices, symbols and objects evoking the universal religions and a vague and unpredictable idea of North. The post colonial Benin and the ambivalent relationship between politics and vodu, that was developed in that period, contributed to build a favourable ground for the tron kpeto deka. Its modernity and alien origins cope with the demands for a renewal of local religions: people who are no more comfortable with "archaic" vodu practices, who are more involved with contemporary dynamics and look at the universal religions as means to "enter the world", seem to find in the tron kpeto deka a suitable religious alternative.
Abstract «After more than 170 years of hard struggle since the Opium War, the Chinese nation has bright prospects»: this is an excerpt of Xi Jinping's speech, when he first introduced his Chinese Dream slogan, late in 2012. Sure enough, whereas it is hardly true that a mentality of 'struggle' may have been internalized so early in Chinese history, it is nevertheless undeniable that the imperative of «struggle» (fendou) has become, over time, a characterizing trademark of Chinese modernity. Interestingly, the word fendou runs like a thread throughout the history of modern China, changing its meanings along with the changes of the ideological paradigms and the mainstream goals of Chinese modernity. Thus after the Darwinian struggle of the late Qing Era, and the individualist struggle of the early New Culture period, we enter the age of the collective «objectives of struggle» of the Maoist times, to go back to the «individual struggle for society» advocated by Party ideologists in the wake of Deng Xiaoping's economic reforms. «Struggle», today, still remains an imperative, but, suspended as it is between the private aspirations of the emerging middle class and the public governmental projects of building a 'well-off society', it proves more and more uncertain in front of the question: «struggle for what?»
The essay aims at understanding the nationalist characters present in the cultural discourse of Romanian national-communism by the multilayered analysis of i) communist regime cultural politics, which developed the discourse on the nation in a Marxist-Leninist framework; ii) the keywords around which Romanian public discourse was build since the beginning of modernity until the instauration of communist regime; iii) the marginality of Marxism-Leninism and othe workers' movement in Romania since the 19th century until the communist takeover.
In this essay argues that the Italy of the end of the millennium and the sunset of the nineteenth century were united by an authoritarian temptation. A shiny, modern and reactionary political project of the Government of the best that you can find in Southern Italy, and focus on the debate, his lab and in the great war his testbed. A generation of great nationalist intellectuals (and meridionalisti) began looking for an alternative political model to the liberal-democrat, much more suitable, according to them, the transformations that modernity had started in Italy and Europe.
The paper highlights the importance of the kantian sources of Hannah Arendt's philosophy. The peculiar way Arendt confronts Kant is not only a significant manifestation of a critical detachment from her former mentor Martin Heidegger and, more in general, from every attempt to restore some kind of ontology as a necessary theoretical frame for political thought. Arendt's subscription of a kantian cosmopolitical approach supports her critical attitude towards Modernity as well, in terms that cannot be fully grasped by an over-simplified reading of the famous modern alienation from the world's thesis.
Leonardo's life and work coincide with the time the modern world was born, involving a strong change in the relationship with the territory and an acceleration of human subjugation of nature. Leonardo's artistic and technical work moves between two polarities: the idea of a generating nature and the human aspiration to domination, with a vision of knowledge not yet fragmented by the specialism of modernity. Leonardo's multifaceted activity is a child of his age: of a Renaissance that was more innovation than method and of a period in which political transformations and a demographic recovery drew new attention to the territory.
The feast represents the quintessence of time, distinguished from time in general by a potent intensity. The dynamics of secularisation have attenuated and blurred the boundaries between sacred and profane, to the point that we ask ourselves if it is still legitimate to distinguish between a religious and a profane feast, or whether it is not more proficuous to seek within the feast the sacred dimension of time. Modernity does not lead to the eclipse of the sacred, but rather to its transformation. This book addresses such issues, putting itself forward as a working tool for further study.
Il presente articolo si concentra sul rapporto tra ermeneutica gadameriana e modernità partendo dal peculiare punto di vista dell'arte. Contrariamente alle letture che ne fanno una teoria antimoderna, l'obiettivo è sottolineare la capacità della filosofia di Gadamer di confrontarsi con il mondo contemporaneo, il quale ha nella tecnica una delle peculiarità più evidenti. In primo luogo, per comprendere la portata innovativa del pensiero di Gadamer viene mostrata l'autonomia che egli matura rispetto a Heidegger in relazione al rapporto con la tradizione, diversità che si riverbera nel modo di concepire la modernità. Per Gadamer quest'ultima non è il frutto di un processo di Seinsvergessenheit ma di un rapporto dialogico con il passato. Da questo punto di vista, la tecnica gode pertanto di una propria legittimità, a patto di non porsi come orizzonte totalizzante, ma di comprendere se stessa nel più ampio contesto della prassi umana: ciò emerge in modo emblematico dalla lettura del fenomeno artistico. Il saggio prosegue, in secondo luogo, a mostrare come, accanto a una lettura plotiniana del fenomeno artistico in quanto emanazione della verità, emerga una concezione dell'arte, in particolare della poesia, come ripetizione di ciò che è al contempo unico e irripetibile. L'enigma dell'arte consiste nella sua capacità di costituire un evento singolare che al contempo parla agli spettatori di ogni epoca. Proprio questa concezione dell'arte consente di apprezzare l'attualità dell'ermeneutica, capace di confrontarsi con la questione del ruolo dell'arte oggi: il paradigma della ripetizione permette infatti a Gadamer di esprimere la dimensione comunitaria e temporale che caratterizza intrinsecamente l'arte. Infine, tale lettura del fenomeno artistico consente di mostrare la capacità dell'ermeneutica non solo di rapportarsi alle nuove tecnologie, ma anche di ripensare il rapporto tra tecnica e comunità. Proprio a partire dal pensiero di Gadamer è possibile un confronto sia con il momento della phronesis sia con quello della techne. Emergono così le conseguenze etico-politiche della filosofia gadameriana, in particolare in relazione all'emblematica concezione del poeta come uno dei tanti lettori dell'opera al pari dell'interprete. Secondo questo rispetto si può apprezzare il carattere comunitario e democratico che anima nel profondo l'ermeneutica.The Enigma of Art between Iterability and Uniqueness. Gadamer's Hermeneutics Facing ModernityKey Words: Hermeneutics, Gadamer, Aesthetics, Art, ModernityThis paper aims to investigate the relation between Gadamer's hermeneutics and modernity, focusing on his doctrine of artistic experience in order to show a new possible reading of his thought that frees him from the accusations of anti-modernism. First, the author highlights the differences between Heidegger's and Gadamer's conceptions of tradition and modernity. The former understands modernity (and technology in particular) as the result of a destinal Seinsvergessenheit. The latter, on the other hand, conceives it as an interrupted dialogue with the tradition.Then the paper underlines the peculiarity of Gadamer's conception of art: besides the well-known emanative paradigm, he develops the idea of art as intrinsic iterability, capable of accounting for the interaction between art and the new technologies. After this analysis, the author shows that, far from being anti-modern, Gadamer's position is actually able to give technology its due, as long as the latter is not expected to exhaust the totality of human experience and is rather included within the scope of the phronesis, just like the Aristotelian techne. In conclusion, the reading of art as repetition shows the capacity of hermeneutics to make sense of modernity, as well as its intrinsically communitarian and democratic vocation.
La ricerca ricostruisce in chiave genealogica i fondamenti teorici e concettuali della cosiddetta tradizione radicale nera del XX secolo, qui interpretata come una critica della modernità, attraverso l'analisi del pensiero politico dell'abolizionismo nero. Più precisamente, è ricostruito dal punto di vista della storia dei concetti politici moderni il pensiero politico prodotto dai principali esponenti delle lotte contro la schiavitù condotte nello spazio transnazionale dell'Atlantico tra la seconda metà del XVIII e la prima metà del XIX secolo. L'abolizionismo nero è letto come un pensiero politico articolato secondo una costante appropriazione sovversiva del lessico e dei concetti politici moderni. Si mostra che la critica nera agisce secondo due linee costanti: lo 'sdoppiamento' dei concetti politici (cioè un movimento di appropriazione e trasformazione) e la sovversione degli assetti spaziali della modernità (cioè la rottura della distinzione tra Stato e colonia). Gli elementi di maggiore originalità del lavoro sono individuabili tanto sul piano contenutistico quanto su quello metodologico. Anzitutto, si tratta del primo studio dell'abolizionismo nero visto da una prospettiva atlantica e di storia concettuale. Il lavoro analizza inoltre diverse tipologie di fonti (petizioni, autobiografie, proclami militari, regolamenti amministrativi, discorsi, romanzi e slave songs) solitamente marginali nella Storia delle dottrine politiche. La tesi è strutturata il quattro capitoli. Nel primo capitolo è presentata un'analisi per temi e concetti del radicalismo nero novecentesco. I tre capitoli successivi sono invece dedicati all'abolizionismo nero e sono strutturati secondo una scansione cronologica volta a individuare tre momenti di discontinuità. Il secondo capitolo discute l'emergere della critica nera durante la rivoluzione americana e all'interno del movimento antischiavista britannico. Il terzo capitolo è invece dedicato alla Rivoluzione di Haiti, interpretata come cesura fondamentale nella storia dell'abolizionismo nero. Il quarto capitolo analizza infine il movimento abolizionista afroamericano. ; The dissertation provides a genealogy of the theoretical and conceptual foundations of the black radical tradition through a reconstruction of the political discourse and practices of the main black abolitionists of the Atlantic World from the so-called Age of Revolutions to the end of the American Civil War. In particular, the black radical tradition is conceived as a peculiar critique of modernity. Indeed, black critique highlights the constitutive duplicity of modernity (i.e. European and colonial) and produces both a 'provincialization' and a transformation of the basic concepts of modern political thought (such as freedom, equality, democracy, nation). In this way, the research shows that black abolitionism is a political thought characterized by two elements: the subversion of modern spatiality and the "doubling" of political concepts. On the one hand, black abolitionism overturns the conceptual distinction between the State, as the space of order, and the colony, as an irrational and uncivilized place. In other words, it shows that slavery, colonialism, and racism are not peripheral moments of modernity but instead one of its foundations. On the other hand, black abolitionists used different political lexicons to communicate a struggle for self-liberation which had its own conceptual originality. The dissertation is structured in four chapters. The first provides a definition of the theoretical foundations of black radicalism in the XX Century, and is focused on some of its main figures. The other chapters provide a reconstruction of the political thought of black abolitionism, defined by three moments of discontinuity. The second chapter is dedicated to the black abolitionists within the American Revolution and the British abolitionist movement. The third chapter is on the Haitian Revolution, conceived as the fundamental turning point in the history of black abolitionism and its critique of modernity. The last chapter is on the African American abolitionist movement.
What is desire? What are the powers of reason? What drives men to go beyond nature? Where to look for the foundations and fundamental forms of coexistence? Following the thread of these questions, the study aims to set up a theoretical comparison between Hegel and Hobbes, in the belief that an all-out dialogue between the two philosophers can contribute to a better understanding of their respective systems. The examination of the many affinities of problematic approach, as well as of the radical divergences of the solutions, allows the profile of a self-critical modernity to emerge, sensitive to the assumptions of the project of human self-affirmation through reason and artifice.
Libro de Investigación ; La historia contemporánea de España, Italia y Francia se ha ido modelando por las respectivas dinámicas de integración del fator religioso en general, y del catolicismo en particular, en la modernidad política y social de los tres países. El libro ofrece un estudio estructurado, organizado en siete grandes temáticas, sobre esa compleja dialéctica. ; The contemporary history of Spain, Italy and France has been modeled by the respective dynamics of integration of the religious factor in general, and of national Catholicism in particular, in the political and social modernity of the 3 countries. The book offers a structured study on that dialectic. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
This paper argues that urban violence and insecurity are central societal issues which are a significant part of people's concerns and democratic life. Its analysis implies an extensive understanding of globalisation and urban dynamics that characterise late modernity in its multiple dimensions: i.e. the social, cultural, political, and economical dimensions. Urban violence and insecurity call for a new institutional framework and the definition of new public security policies that will respond to the insecurity that prevails in urban society. The comprehensive analysis of the relationship between the evolution of crime and the development of the feeling of insecurity allows us to understand how contemporary society lives and deals with the issue of security.
The shift between the first and second half of the twentieth century marked a watershed. It represented the "sunset of modernity" and made tradition unattainable, thereby calling into question the very survival of poetry. This collection focuses on the work of Giuseppe Ungaretti as poet, translator, and critic, which took the lead from this fracture. As the essays gathered here show, this fracture took a specific shape in Ungaretti's work, which was reviewed in distinct ways and had a lasting impact up to the present day, alongside twentieth-century history and poetry. The book thus offers a multifaceted picture aimed at assessing albeit provisionally the later Ungaretti's writings and his legacy for future generations of writers.
