Suchergebnisse

After explaining the difference between the notions of self-government & local autonomy, the applicability of both to the description of the political-administrative status of the Slovene city of Ljubljana in the 19th-century Austrian Empire is examined. The Austrian March Constitution of 1849, its abolishment by the emperor Franz Joseph in 1851, the municipalities law of 1849 & 1862, & December Constitution of 1867 are some of the legal acts examined in the outline of the chronology of the self-government & autonomy of Ljubljana as a provincial capital in the Austrian Empire. The powers & prerogatives contained in the city's municipal statues are discussed, considering the relationship & power sharing between the state & municipalities in the Austrian Empire & the Austria-Hungary dual monarchy. The study of the Ljubljana archive sources concludes that prior to 1895, the city's municipal council powers to issue normative legislation were limited, & an increased norm-giving activity resulted only from the need to rebuild the city after the 1895 earthquake. The council's municipal autonomy was largely responsible for regulating all reconstruction activities, including the organization & modernization of transport, electrification, & other infrastructure. Adapted from the source document.

V pričujoči raziskavi smo preučili strukturo, dejavnike in posledice politične kulture in državljanske participacije v postjugoslovanskih družbah. Uporabljenih je bilo več virov kvantitativnih podatkov, med drugim raziskava 2.178 študentov družboslovja v osmih postjugoslovanskih entitetah (M starost = 19,8 leta, SD = 1,89) ; reprezentativni vzorci Evropske raziskave vrednot (2008) ; pretekli valovi Svetovne raziskave vrednot (1995/8) in podatki raziskave jugoslovanske mladine (Jupio, 1986). Analiza na agregatni ravni je pokazala, da so v socioekonomsko manj razvitih okoljih (Kosovo, BiH in NJR Makedonija) v večji meri prisotni elementi podložniške politične kulture (Almond in Verba, 1963), v okviru katere so se kot ključni elementi na individualni ravni izkazali avtoritarnost, splošni tradicionalizem, tradicionalni pogled na spolne vloge in nacionalizem. Medentitetne razlike na merah ekonomske kulture (ekonomski egalitarizem in državni paternalizem) so povečini majhne in statistično neznačilne, saj vse entitete na obeh indikatorjih dosegajo visoke povprečne vrednosti. V skladu s predvidevanji dopolnjene modernizacijske teorije je demokratična politična kultura bolj koherentna v socioekonomsko bolj razvitih postjugoslovanskih državah, v nasprotju s teorijo pa manj razvite države dosegajo višje povprečne ravni državljanske participacije. Starost in socioekonomski status sta se izkazala za najmočnejša sociodemografska dejavnika politične kulture in državljanske participacije. Višje stopnje učinkovite demokracije (Inglehart in Welzel, 2007) dosegajo socioekonomsko bolj razvite države, ki izkazujejo tudi najvišje stopnje demokratične politične kulture. Longitudinalna analiza ni pokazala enotne smeri političnokulturnih sprememb ; slednje so v zadnjih dveh desetletjih bile v smeri večanja tako demokratičnih kot tudi nekaterih podložniških orientacij (npr. avtoritarnosti). Avtorji sklenejo, da proces demokratične konsolidacije, tako političnokulturne kot tudi institucionalne, v večini postjugoslovanskih družb še ni končan. Na koncu so predstavljene implikacije raziskave. ; The present study examined structures, determinants and consequences of political culture and citizen participation in post-Yugoslav societies. Several empirical data sources were employed, among others a survey of 2,178 social science students in eight post-Yugoslav entities (M age = 19.8 years, SD = 1.89) ; representative samples from European Values Study (2008), earlier waves of World Values Survey (1995/8) and a study of Yugoslav youth Jupio carried out in 1985. The aggregate level results indicated that socio-economically less developed entities (Kosovo, BiH, and FYR Macedonia) scored higher on subject political culture (Almond and Verba, 1963), which was at the individual level found to be characterized by its four core components: authoritarianism, general traditionalism, traditional gender roles attitudes, and nationalism. Between-country differences on measures of economic cultural orientations (economic egalitarianism and state paternalism) were largely minor or insignificant, since all entities scored high on both measures. As predicted by revised modernization theory democratic political culture was found to be more coherent in socioeconomically more developed post-Yugoslav countries. Inconsistent with modernization approach results demonstrated higher levels of citizen participation in less well-off countries. Age and socioeconomic status proved to be the most potent sociodemographic predictors of political culture and citizen participation. Finally, democracy was found to be more effective (Inglehart and Welzel, 2007) in socioeconomically more developed countries, which also scored highest on measures of democratic political culture. Longitudinal analysis did not uniformly confirm substantive political culture changes with changes in the last two decades taking place in both democratic as well as authoritarian direction. Authors conclude that the process of democratic consolidation, both political-cultural as well as institutional, is far from over in the majority of post-Yugoslav entities. Implications of the results are discussed.

Področje javne uprave je bilo že od samega začetka zelo težko natančno razložiti. Praktično ni področja človeškega delovanja, v katerem javna uprava ne bi igrala pomembne vloge. Reforme javne uprave so v zadnjih nekaj letih zelo aktualna tema in zato jim posvečamo vedno več pozornosti. Magistrsko delo obravnava področje uspešnosti reform slovenske javne uprave in je usmerjeno predvsem v dileme oziroma kritike zastavljenih strategij. Vse reforme slovenske javne uprave se v zadnjih 20. letih lahko štejejo za uspešne v smislu metodološkega in tehničnega napredka. Napredovali smo pri racionalizaciji struktur in optimizaciji procesov. Manj se lahko pohvalimo v zvezi s spornimi postopki z vidika interesov na primeru lokalne samouprave ter sistema javnih uslužbencev in njihovih plač. Pri doseganju končnega cilja sem ugotovila, da se nekateri od zastavljenih ukrepov, ki so bili opredeljeni v strategijah, dejansko sploh niso realizirali. Glede zastavljenih strategij je precej kritik, izpostavljena je strategija razvoja slovenske javne uprave za obdobje 2015-2020, strategija e-uprave za obdobje 2006-2010 in strategija razvoja lokalne samouprave do leta 2020. Ugotovimo, da gre pri strategijah bolj za skupek dobrih želja oziroma povzetek prejšnjega stanja. Ni zastavljene nikakršne analize, ki bi bila podlaga za spremembe. Da bi zagotovili ustrezen razvoj in napredek na tem področju, bi bilo treba natančno opredeliti jasne ukrepe, ter celovito zastaviti strategije, in le tako lahko pričakujemo uspešen sistem reform. Za nadaljnji razvoj javne uprave bo bistveno, da se izvaja modernizacija na vseh področjih, predvsem tistih, ki so najbolj kritična. Večjo pozornost bo treba nameniti zastavljanju strategij razvoja javne uprave. ; To explain the public administration field in detail has always been a demanding task. In fact, the public administration has an imperative role in almost every area of human action. The public administration reforms are currently a very popular subject matter and thus more favored in receiving attention. In my (Master's) thesis I cover the field's successfulness of the public administration reforms and focus mainly on dilemmas or critics of the set strategies. All Slovenian public administration reforms that have been passed in the last 20 years can be accounted for very successful, not only in methodological, but also its technical sense. We have also improved at streamlining structures and optimizing processes. We are less successful in terms of disputable proceedings from the perspective of interests, for instance, local self-government, the public servants' system and their salaries. While reaching the final goal of my thesis I recognized that certain measures I set in strategies were not realized at all. As far as strategies are concerned, there are quite criticized - a specific stress is put on the strategy of the development of the Slovenian public administration in the periods from 2015 to 2020, the strategy of the e-management in the periods from 2006 to 2010 and the strategy of the development of the local self-government to the year 2020. I discover that strategies are more like a unit of good intentions or better to say synopsis of a previous condition. There is no specific analysis which would be the basis for changes. To secure an adequate development and progress in this field, it is imperative to take transparent measures and set strategies in their entireties. Only then can we expect a successful reform system. For further development of the public administration it is essential to modernize in all fields, particularly in those which are most critical. A more close attention will have to be put on setting up strategies for the development of the public administration.