"Venezuela: 4th & 5th republics" (Neira Fernández, Enrique) ; Presentation ; I. Conceptual frame ; Challenges and modernization ; Reforms of the state ; Governance ; Genuineness ; Decentralization ; Democracy ; Leadership ; Militarism ; Democratic caesarism ; Populism ; Violence ; Revolution ; Socialism ; II. The fourth republic (Before Chávez) ; A look back ; The economic thing ; The social thing ; The political thing ; The ethical thing ; III. The fith republic (In the times of Chávez) ; Introduction ; The strong man ; The process. Political ideology ; The process. Characteristics ; The beautiful revolution ; Gusty future ; Conclusion. The quadrature of the circle ; neira@intercable.net.ve ; Nivel analítico
This paper explains some of the most important processes through the Chinese army has passed, as well as the industry dedicated to the arms production in China. The People's Republic of China after reaching economic stability in the late 1990s refocused its military modernization policies, to be able to measure with the most powerful ones in the world, leaving behind the mass army to make way for the era of computerization and Cyberwar. To understand this process is essential to study the situation in the early years of the Republic, through the era of the Four Modernizations to the National Defense White Papers and other policies related to the modernize China's military industry. ; El presente trabajo explica algunos de los procesos más importantes por los que ha pasado el ejército chino, así como la industria dedicada a la producción de armamento en China. La República Popular China después de haber alcanzado una estabilidad financiaría a finales de la década de 1990, reoriento las políticas de modernización militar para poder medirse con las poderosas del mundo, dejando atrás el ejército de masas para dar paso a la era de la informatización y guerra cibernética. Para entender dicho proceso es indispensable estudiar la situación durante los primeros años de la Republica, pasando por la era de las Cuatro Modernizaciones hasta los Libros Blancos de Defensa Nacional y otras políticas relacionadas para modernizar la industria militar china.
The purpose of this article is to address the modernization process of public administration in Portugal from the 1950s to 1970s, a period largely characterised by policies created and implemented by Salazar as President of the Council of Ministers, during 36 years of government (1932-1968). This paper is based on empirical evidence collected from various sources and written from the perspective of a practitioner. It derives from the professional experience of the author, who from 1970 onwards was personally involved in public management, policy formulation and implementation.
This work discusses the value of the theory of modernization and describes the scope and limitations of Rawls' Theory of Justice. The theory of modernization has a strong darwinist legacy: the biological evolution from simple to complex forms is applied to the social context and the transition from traditional to modern forms becomes a linear process. Rawls' most recent work link the concept of justice to that of social order, and his principIes become relevant when the principle of difference become the principIe of the least difference, as the basis of all political freedoms. The author holds that there are a number of roads to modernization and, following Bidet, he states that different models of society may come to exist within the matrix of modernization, including capitalism, socialism and all points between. ; En este trabajo se discute la validez de la teoría de la modernización y se identifican los alcances y las limitaciones de la Teoría de la Justicia de Rawls. La teoría de la modernización tiene una profunda herencia darwinistas: la evolución biológica de lo simple a lo complejo se traslada a lo social como un paso de lo tradicional a lo moderno y, en últimas, lleva a imitar a las sociedades más desarrolladas. Los nuevos enfoques critican la distinción entre lo tradicional y lo moderno y la visión unilineal del proceso de modernización. Los últimos trabajos de Rawls vinculan el concepto de la justicia al concepto de orden social y sus principios adquieren pertenencia cuando el principio de la diferencia se transforma en el de la menor diferencia, fundamento de todas las libertades políticas. El autor sostiene que hay varios caminos para la modernización y, siguiendo a Bidet, afirma que dentro de la matriz de la modernidad pueden desarrollarse distintos modelos de sociedad: capitalismo, socialismo o cualquier otra solución intermedia.
Introduction: Changing Values and Changing Societies -- Ch. 1. Value Systems: The Subjective Aspect of Politics and Economics -- Ch. 2. Individual-Level Change and Societal-Level Change -- Ch. 3. Modernization and Postmodernization in 43 Societies -- Ch. 4. Measuring Materialist and Postmaterialist Values -- Ch. 5. The Shift toward Postmaterialist Values, 1970-1994 -- Ch. 6. Economic Development, Political Culture, and Democracy: Bringing the People Back In -- Ch. 7. The Impact of Culture on Economic Growth -- Ch. 8. The Rise of New Issues and New Parties -- Ch. 9. The Shift toward Postmodern Values: Predicted and Observed Changes, 1981-1990 -- Ch. 10. The Erosion of Institutional Authority and the Rise of Citizen Intervention in Politics -- Ch. 11. Trajectories of Social Change -- App. 1. A Note on Sampling: Figures A.1 and A.2 -- App. 2. Partial 1990 WVS Questionnaire, with Short Labels for Items Used in Figure 3.2.
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El ensayo indaga sobre las vicisitudes y dilemas que se encuentra tras la promesa de la modernización que el gobierno actual del Perú viene realizando. Para ello, partiendo de lo que el gobierno actual señala como "ahora sí" llegar a la modernización, recorre, desde la teoría crítica sociológica latinoamericana, los debates del desarrollo. Revisa las propuestas de la teoría de la dependencia y la Decolonialidad del poder y encuentra lo que podría ser una de las propuestas para efectivizar el desarrollo, desde el pensamiento social no crítico. Se analizan planteamientos de teoría social latinoamericanos desde la modernización, dependencia, decolonialidad, hasta la propuesta de la industrialización dependiente y sus recientes reformulaciones. ; This essay explores the vicissitudes and dilemmas that lies behind the promise of modernization that the current government of Peru has been doing. To do so, based on what the current government identifies as "let's do it!" to reach modernization, goes over, from Latin American's sociologic critical theory, the debates of development. Reviews the proposals of the theory of dependency and power Decoloniality and finds what could be one of the proposals to maximize development, since non critical social thought. Latin American social theory approaches are analyzed from the modernization, dependency, decoloniality, to the proposal of the dependent industrialization and its recent reformulations.
According to Italian historiography, the term modernization refers to the transformation of Italian society between 1950 and the late 1960s. This study aims to analyse those years by adopting the specific framework defined by the action of State institutions, trying to clarify which contribution was given by the «State» to the modernization processes. The analysis starts from the period of political and institutional transition between Fascism and democracy, focusing the pivotal role played by Democrazia Cristiana (DC) to drive, and even delay, institutional and socio-economic transformations. It has been devoted some space to the «conquest of the State» by DC, enlighting the increasing connection between the DC political elites and State elites. During the Sixties, DC gained almost a complete control on the State apparatus, while the modernization was happening «out of the State». 1968 could be seen as a watershed in the history of the Italian Republic also by the State institutions' point of view because of the regionalisation reform, but the regions would only be able to exercise their powers just from 1977, while the political system went on to be dominated by clientelism and restricted power-ful circles both on central and local level. Modernization would continue to be a deeply foreign enterprise for the Italian State. Only part of the private economy and some of the semi-public bodies would engage in it.
This study focuses on the survival of Republican values in our present-day democratic system, values which have been analysed from a dual perspective: on the one hand, the current interest in the principles and values fostered by centre-left governments and organizations during the Second Republic, and on the other, the presence of these principles and values in our present-day democratic system. Consensus, social reform, political pluralism, devolution, and educational and cultural advancement, besides being democratic values and principles, are currently pointing towards a specific way of understanding politics and public affairs, understood as proximity and service to, and respect for all citizens. Moreover, there are similarities between the two regimes; in both cases, the immediate political background was marked by a dictatorship, both expressly declared an intention to establish themselves as democracies and subsequently underwent a transitional process marked by consensus, and both had similar aims. However, there are also significant differences between the two, not only in terms of the system of government, but also the attribution of State powers, the declaration of rights and the way these were put into practice, and the limits of consensus. While we cannot talk of continuity between the two regimes, the Second Republic may be seen as a short-lived precedent to the current democratic system, and one which succumbed to the strength of anti-democratic organizations and interests. ; Este trabajo trata de la pervivencia de los valores republicanos en el régimen democrático actual, que se han analizado desde una doble perspectiva: el interés que despiertan los principios y valores activados por los gobiernos y organizaciones del centro izquierda durante la II República, y la presencia de esos mismos principios y valores en el ordenamiento democrático actual. Consenso, reformismo social, pluralismo político, descentralización del Estado y promoción de la educación y la cultura, aparte de ser valores y ...
Este trabajo trata de la pervivencia de los valores republicanos en el régimen democrático actual, que se han analizado desde una doble perspectiva: el interés que despiertan los principios y valores activados por los gobiernos y organizaciones del centro izquierda durante la II República, y la presencia de esos mismos principios y valores en el ordenamiento democrático actual. Consenso, reformismo social, pluralismo político, descentralización del Estado y promoción de la educación y la cultura, aparte de ser valores y principios democráticos, están indicando una forma específica de entender la política y la actividad pública como respeto, proximidad y servicio a todos los ciudadanos. Existen, además, semejanzas entre ambos regímenes por sus antecedentes políticos inmediatos de gobiernos de dictadura, por su declarada intención de constituirse como democráticos, por el procedimiento consensuado para ponerse en práctica y por sus objetivos; pero entre ellos hay también importantes diferencias, y no sólo por la forma de gobierno sino por la atribución de los poderes del Estado, por el enunciado de los derechos, por la manera de ponerlos en práctica y por los límites del consenso. No puede hablarse de continuidad entre ambos regímenes pero la II República es para el régimen democrático actual un antecedente de corta duración que sucumbió ante la fuerza de intereses y organizaciones antidemocráticas. ; This study focuses on the survival of Republican values in our present-day democratic system, values which have been analysed from a dual perspective: on the one hand, the current interest in the principles and values fostered by centre-left governments and organizations during the Second Republic, and on the other, the presence of these principles and values in our present-day democratic system. Consensus, social reform, political pluralism, devolution, and educational and cultural advancement, besides being democratic values and principles, are currently pointing towards a specific way of understanding politics and public affairs, understood as proximity and service to, and respect for all citizens. Moreover, there are similarities between the two regimes; in both cases, the immediate political background was marked by a dictatorship, both expressly declared an intention to establish themselves as democracies and subsequently underwent a transitional process marked by consensus, and both had similar aims. However, there are also significant differences between the two, not only in terms of the system of government, but also the attribution of State powers, the declaration of rights and the way these were put into practice, and the limits of consensus. While we cannot talk of continuity between the two regimes, the Second Republic may be seen as a short-lived precedent to the current democratic system, and one which succumbed to the strength of anti-democratic organizations and interests.
Theories of modernization, globalization, and dependency have assigned a clear role to Latin America: the region has been seen as dependent, exploited, and institutionally weak. In these theories, modernization and globalization are seen as forces generated elsewhere; the region, in these views, has merely tried to "adjust" and "respond" to these external influences. At best, it has imitated some of the political institutions of the core countries and, most of the times, unsuccessfully. While there is very good empirical evidence that supports these views, the essay argues that these theories need some correction. Latin America has been an innovator and a modernizer in its own right, especially in its cutting-edge design of the nation-state and in its modern conceptualization of the national community. Thus, the essay suggests that the region has not merely "adjusted" to modernization and globalization. Rather, the paper makes a case for a reinterpretation of the region's role as a modernizer and an important contributor to the consolidation of the modern West.
The purpose of this article is to highlight the use of SIAF and friendly consultation as tools for the analysis of public policies within the framework of public management modernization. Public policies are a set of state actions for the population subscribed in a forum of national agreement carried out in 2002, where 35 agreements were reached, organized in four general lines, with the participation of the three levels of government and the main political and social institutions of the country. These agreements constitute state policy actions and government policies of national scope. In order to be implemented, these actions require a public budget; this is where the SIAF and the friendly consultation for the correct budget management with efficiency and effectiveness of both income and expenditures in all public institutions of the state intervene
El texto analiza la construcción del proyecto desarrollista en el contexto de la segunda fase de la crisis política argentina que siguió al triunfo de la Revolución Libertadora. Atiende a sus objetivos y sus condicionantes. Revisa, en una primera instancia, la elaboración de la estrategia política de integración del peronismo a la legalidad política durante el gobierno revolucionario, lo que le permitió ganar las elecciones de 1958. En la segunda parte, busca explicar la puesta en práctica y recepción política, cultural y social del mismo, durante la gestión presidencial de Arturo Frondizi, hasta su etapa final. ; The text analyzes the construction of the developmental project in the context of the second phase of the Argentine political crisis that followed the triumph of the Liberating Revolution. It attends to its objectives and conditioning factors. It reviews, in the first instance, the elaboration of the political strategy of integration of Peronism into political legality during the revolutionary government, which allowed it to win the 1958 elections. In the second part, he seeks to explain the political, cultural and social implementation and reception of the same, during the presidential administration of Arturo Frondizi, until its final stage.