The purpose of the doctoral dissertation "The Idea of Honor as a Means to Understand Democracy. The Perspective of XVIII-XIX Century Political Philosophy" is to present the notion of honor as a relevant idea for political philosophy and to prove the necessity of the idea of honor for understanding modern representative democracy. It is claimed that the idea of honor helps to analytically identify and understand two fundamental inner structural contradictions of modern democracy: 1. between the democratic idea of equality and the concept of a political regime; 2. between the model of representative government applied by modern democracies and the principle of political hierarchy that is crucial for political representation to work. Philosophical conceptualization of honor in terms of a political idea is made possible by referring to the democratic and monarchist political theories of XVIII-XIX century. The paper claims that honor serves as an analytical tool to understand both intrinsic tensions of modern democracy, as well as to justify the necessary conditions for political representation to work.
The purpose of the doctoral dissertation "The Idea of Honor as a Means to Understand Democracy. The Perspective of XVIII-XIX Century Political Philosophy" is to present the notion of honor as a relevant idea for political philosophy and to prove the necessity of the idea of honor for understanding modern representative democracy. It is claimed that the idea of honor helps to analytically identify and understand two fundamental inner structural contradictions of modern democracy: 1. between the democratic idea of equality and the concept of a political regime; 2. between the model of representative government applied by modern democracies and the principle of political hierarchy that is crucial for political representation to work. Philosophical conceptualization of honor in terms of a political idea is made possible by referring to the democratic and monarchist political theories of XVIII-XIX century. The paper claims that honor serves as an analytical tool to understand both intrinsic tensions of modern democracy, as well as to justify the necessary conditions for political representation to work.
The purpose of the doctoral dissertation "The Idea of Honor as a Means to Understand Democracy. The Perspective of XVIII-XIX Century Political Philosophy" is to present the notion of honor as a relevant idea for political philosophy and to prove the necessity of the idea of honor for understanding modern representative democracy. It is claimed that the idea of honor helps to analytically identify and understand two fundamental inner structural contradictions of modern democracy: 1. between the democratic idea of equality and the concept of a political regime; 2. between the model of representative government applied by modern democracies and the principle of political hierarchy that is crucial for political representation to work. Philosophical conceptualization of honor in terms of a political idea is made possible by referring to the democratic and monarchist political theories of XVIII-XIX century. The paper claims that honor serves as an analytical tool to understand both intrinsic tensions of modern democracy, as well as to justify the necessary conditions for political representation to work.
The purpose of the doctoral dissertation "The Idea of Honor as a Means to Understand Democracy. The Perspective of XVIII-XIX Century Political Philosophy" is to present the notion of honor as a relevant idea for political philosophy and to prove the necessity of the idea of honor for understanding modern representative democracy. It is claimed that the idea of honor helps to analytically identify and understand two fundamental inner structural contradictions of modern democracy: 1. between the democratic idea of equality and the concept of a political regime; 2. between the model of representative government applied by modern democracies and the principle of political hierarchy that is crucial for political representation to work. Philosophical conceptualization of honor in terms of a political idea is made possible by referring to the democratic and monarchist political theories of XVIII-XIX century. The paper claims that honor serves as an analytical tool to understand both intrinsic tensions of modern democracy, as well as to justify the necessary conditions for political representation to work.
The purpose of the doctoral dissertation "The Idea of Honor as a Means to Understand Democracy. The Perspective of XVIII-XIX Century Political Philosophy" is to present the notion of honor as a relevant idea for political philosophy and to prove the necessity of the idea of honor for understanding modern representative democracy. It is claimed that the idea of honor helps to analytically identify and understand two fundamental inner structural contradictions of modern democracy: 1. between the democratic idea of equality and the concept of a political regime; 2. between the model of representative government applied by modern democracies and the principle of political hierarchy that is crucial for political representation to work. Philosophical conceptualization of honor in terms of a political idea is made possible by referring to the democratic and monarchist political theories of XVIII-XIX century. The paper claims that honor serves as an analytical tool to understand both intrinsic tensions of modern democracy, as well as to justify the necessary conditions for political representation to work.
The purpose of the doctoral dissertation "The Idea of Honor as a Means to Understand Democracy. The Perspective of XVIII-XIX Century Political Philosophy" is to present the notion of honor as a relevant idea for political philosophy and to prove the necessity of the idea of honor for understanding modern representative democracy. It is claimed that the idea of honor helps to analytically identify and understand two fundamental inner structural contradictions of modern democracy: 1. between the democratic idea of equality and the concept of a political regime; 2. between the model of representative government applied by modern democracies and the principle of political hierarchy that is crucial for political representation to work. Philosophical conceptualization of honor in terms of a political idea is made possible by referring to the democratic and monarchist political theories of XVIII-XIX century. The paper claims that honor serves as an analytical tool to understand both intrinsic tensions of modern democracy, as well as to justify the necessary conditions for political representation to work.
The purpose of the doctoral dissertation "The Idea of Honor as a Means to Understand Democracy. The Perspective of XVIII-XIX Century Political Philosophy" is to present the notion of honor as a relevant idea for political philosophy and to prove the necessity of the idea of honor for understanding modern representative democracy. It is claimed that the idea of honor helps to analytically identify and understand two fundamental inner structural contradictions of modern democracy: 1. between the democratic idea of equality and the concept of a political regime; 2. between the model of representative government applied by modern democracies and the principle of political hierarchy that is crucial for political representation to work. Philosophical conceptualization of honor in terms of a political idea is made possible by referring to the democratic and monarchist political theories of XVIII-XIX century. The paper claims that honor serves as an analytical tool to understand both intrinsic tensions of modern democracy, as well as to justify the necessary conditions for political representation to work.
The purpose of the doctoral dissertation "The Idea of Honor as a Means to Understand Democracy. The Perspective of XVIII-XIX Century Political Philosophy" is to present the notion of honor as a relevant idea for political philosophy and to prove the necessity of the idea of honor for understanding modern representative democracy. It is claimed that the idea of honor helps to analytically identify and understand two fundamental inner structural contradictions of modern democracy: 1. between the democratic idea of equality and the concept of a political regime; 2. between the model of representative government applied by modern democracies and the principle of political hierarchy that is crucial for political representation to work. Philosophical conceptualization of honor in terms of a political idea is made possible by referring to the democratic and monarchist political theories of XVIII-XIX century. The paper claims that honor serves as an analytical tool to understand both intrinsic tensions of modern democracy, as well as to justify the necessary conditions for political representation to work.
Documentary evidence shows that Lithuanian State Council, when considering the grounds for organizing the state management and the first temporary constitutional act of the independent Lithuania of 1918 was influenced by its own unimplemented decision of 11 July 1918 envisaging constitutional monarchy and the personality of a king. The results of this consideration reflected an attempt of the Council to balance between its own recent decisions regarding monarchy and the increasing republican mood. Without taking into consideration the constitutional experience of other states, it made a compromissory and an experimental decision not to institute a new, even though temporary, monarchy, but to vest the executive power to the current Council Presidium without mixing it with another institution under the same name, i.e. the Council which was vested with legislative power. Analysing the text of the Temporary Constitution and comparing it with the text of the Statute of the State Council, this article discusses the ambiguous nature of the original constitutional construction of the Council Presidium. This construction remained operative for less than two months. Subject to the start of the Russian Bolshevik invasion and increasing aggressiveness of the Polish intentions, rapid change in political environment required more flexibility from the state authorities. The same danger to the state, hoping for increased support from the society, has resulted in the formation of the Cabinet of Ministers that was formed on the basis of wide coalition and governed by the representative of political left. Due to discrepancies between the political constitution of the newly formed Cabinet and the conservative Council and its Presidium, problems arose with respect to mutual cooperation and trust. Concern for adapting the state institutions to the present conditions resulted in a gradual refusal to approve the decisions of the Council Presidium. The legislative power was divided between the Council and the Cabinet of Ministers. Finally, the new edition of the Temporary Constitution of 4 April 1919 replaced the State Council Presidium with an institution of President as the single executive power. ; Dokumentine medžiaga atskleidžiama, jog Lietuvos valstybės taryba, 1918 m. rudenį rengdama pirmąją Laikinąją Konstituciją, mėgino balansuoti tarp stiprėjančių respublikinių nuotaikų ir dar nesenų savo monarchinių nutarimų. Tai atspindėjo sumanymas nesteigti specialios, nukreiptos į menamą monarcho vietą, aukščiausiosios vyriausybinės institucijos, o jos galias pavesti Tarybos Prezidiumui, jo netapatinant su jau esama to paties pavadinimo Tarybai vadovaujančia institucija. Besikeičiančios politinės aplinkybės netrukus išryškino aptariamos konstitucinės konstrukcijos trūkumus ir paskatino per trumpą laiką jos atsisakyti.
The article reveals the position of the nobility of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania representing different trends of political thought toward the union with the Kingdom of Poland in the midst of the intensive processes of centralisation taking place in the state. The analysis focuses on the period of 1788–1793, which was marked by significant changes in the governance of the state: (1) the period of the Four-Year Sejm (1788–1792), which adopted the Constitution of 3 May 1791 and the Reciprocal Guarantee of Two Nations of 1791; (2) the activities of the General Confederation of the Two Nations of 1792–1793 having abolished the reforms enacted by the Four-Year Sejm; and (3) the period of the activity of the last Sejm of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, which was held in Grodno in 1793 and sought to return status quo to the relations between Poland and Lithuania. The article does not cover the ideas brought forward during the Uprising of 1794 and the division between Lithuanian and Polish military leaders, which came to the fore in its course. The analysis of historiography and the sources of the period under discussion leads to the conclusion that, in the final decades of the 18th century, the aspirations for the preservation of the Polish– Lithuanian union were shared by the entire Lithuanian nobility irrespective of political views. The adoption of the Constitution of 3 May 1791 was a significant concession of Lithuanian representatives made because of the complicated situation throughout the entire state. The result of this concession was the compromise reached on 20 October 1791. The Reciprocal Guarantee of Two Nations passed by the Sejm re-established the union of Lithuania and Poland. However, the founders of the Confederation of 1792, ignoring the Reciprocal Guarantee of the Two Nations, declared the restoration of Lithuanian– Polish relations established by the Union of Lublin and the return of the separation of all institutions of Lithuania. In practice, the confederates went even further: the institutions, which had been integrated since the establishment of the union, were separated. This policy reflected the programme of the conservative pro-Russian republicans of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Thanks to the efforts of the Republican Reformers representing the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, a dualistic model of the state was established in the Grodno Sejm of 1793. ; Straipsnyje atskleidžiama skirtingų Lietuvos Didžiosios Kunigaikštystės politinių grupuočių laikysena unijos su Lenkijos Karalyste atžvilgiu šalyje vykstant intensyviems centralizacijos procesams. Analizei pasirinktas 1788–1793 m. laikotarpis, kurį ženklino reikšmingi valstybės valdymo pokyčiai: 1) Ketverių metų seimo laikotarpis (1788–1792), per kurį buvo priimta 1791 m. Gegužės trečiosios konstitucija ir 1791 m. Abiejų tautų tarpusavio garantijos įstatymas (įžadas), 2) Ketverių metų seimo reformas naikinusios generalinės Abiejų Tautų konfederacijos veikla 1792–1793 m. ir 3) paskutinio Abiejų Tautų Respublikos seimo, veikusio Gardine 1793 m., veikla Lenkijos ir Lietuvos santykiams siekiant sugrąžinti status quo. 1794 m. sukilimo keliamos idėjos ir jame išryškėjusi takoskyra tarp Lietuvos ir Lenkijos kariuomenės vadų šiame straipsnyje neaptariama. Atlikus istoriografijos bei aptariamo laikotarpio šaltinių analizę prieinama prie išvadų, kad XVIII a. paskutiniais dešimtmečiais Lenkijos ir Lietuvos unijos išsaugojimo siekiai buvo bendri visai Lietuvos bajorijai, nepriklausomai nuo to, kokiai politinės minties srovei atstovauta. 1791 m. Gegužės trečiosios konstitucijos priėmimas buvo reikšminga Lietuvos atstovų nuolaida, priimta įvertinus sudėtingą visos valstybės situaciją. Šios nuolaidos rezultatas buvo 1791 m. spalio 20 d. pasiektas kompromisas. Seimo priimtas Abiejų Tautų tarpusavio garantijos įstatymas naujai įtvirtino unijinį Lietuvos ir Lenkijos ryšį. Tačiau 1792 m. konfederacijos kūrėjai, ignoruodami Abiejų Tautų tarpusavio garantijos įstatymą, deklaravo atkuriantys Liublino unijos aktu nustatytus Lietuvos ir Lenkijos santykius bei sugrąžinantys visų Lietuvos institucijų atskirumą. Praktiškai eita netgi toliau – atskirtos nuo pat įsteigimo buvusios bendros institucijos. Ši politika atspindėjo konservatyviųjų prorusiškos orientacijos Lietuvos respublikonų programą. Lietuvos atstovų dėka 1793 m. Gardino seime buvo įtvirtintas dualistinis valstybės modelis.
This article, based on the teleological method, could be characterised as a compressed doctrine of presidential term limits that consists of the discussions of the 1787 Philadelphia Constitutional Convention and Federalists/Anti-Federalists during the process of ratification of the draft Constitution. The analysis of the thoughts of various American statesmen on the constitutional regulation of the executive tenure during the period of 1775–1790 demonstrates the importance and objectives of the executive tenure for the future of the US constitutional system. The early doctrine of the US presidential term limits consists of three steps, which could be defined as understanding, discussion, and finding the solution to the issue. The first step relates to the constitutional conventions of the states in the period of 1775– 1780, when the problem of the term limits of the executive was raised jointly with the issue of the powers of state governors' institutions. Their relative modesty, in comparison to the terms and powers of other institutions, is explained by the fears of the American statesmen related to the dangers of monarchy and tyranny. The said feelings and the importance of the national executive were the key factors in the first sessions of the 1787 Philadelphia Convention. Most delegates were conservative on the structure of the executive, elections, and the term limits, proposing a collegial body, single term, and elections at the parliament. However, the idea that a weak executive might not be effective prompted harsh political debates between the representatives of the states. [.]
This article, based on the teleological method, could be characterised as a compressed doctrine of presidential term limits that consists of the discussions of the 1787 Philadelphia Constitutional Convention and Federalists/Anti-Federalists during the process of ratification of the draft Constitution. The analysis of the thoughts of various American statesmen on the constitutional regulation of the executive tenure during the period of 1775–1790 demonstrates the importance and objectives of the executive tenure for the future of the US constitutional system. The early doctrine of the US presidential term limits consists of three steps, which could be defined as understanding, discussion, and finding the solution to the issue. The first step relates to the constitutional conventions of the states in the period of 1775– 1780, when the problem of the term limits of the executive was raised jointly with the issue of the powers of state governors' institutions. Their relative modesty, in comparison to the terms and powers of other institutions, is explained by the fears of the American statesmen related to the dangers of monarchy and tyranny. The said feelings and the importance of the national executive were the key factors in the first sessions of the 1787 Philadelphia Convention. Most delegates were conservative on the structure of the executive, elections, and the term limits, proposing a collegial body, single term, and elections at the parliament. However, the idea that a weak executive might not be effective prompted harsh political debates between the representatives of the states. [.]
Based on Michael Rössner and Carine Trapper's studies and the memoirs and feuilletons of the Viennese coffeehouse literati, the article concisely considers the genesis of Vienna's coffeehouse literati before a German invasion in 1938. The article confines itself to the Café Griensteidl, Café Central, and Herrenhof, three major coffeehouses literati: the conditions of their setting up and closing down, literary programmes offered by regular visitors at the coffeehouses, the so-called emotional attitude of the coffeehouse, as well as the conditions under which they were generally able to exist. At the stage of the Café Griensteidl, also known as Café Megalomania, the Young Vienna movement centered on Hermann Bahr to declare naturalism in literature and art to be at an end. On the other hand, in contrast to artists the literati of the given stage who later shifted to the Café Central combined salon writing and cafe culture whereby the coffeehouse was seen as a place of writing or even "lifestyle", "emotional attitude". At the stage of the Herrenhof, attempts were made to overcome an impressionistic sense of life upheld at the Café Central, the bohemian lifestyle, decadence and dandyism, and to refuel art, politics and literature discussions originating from the café setting with a tincture of revolutionary activism and anarchism. The Herrenhof literati were interrelated by lasciviousness and the demand for opioid intoxication carried over from the Café Central and promoted by psychoanalyst Otto Gross. Critical feeling and impotence of the modern individual to apprehend the causes of the impending catastrophe constituted an essential condition for cafe culture development. Anticipation of the imminent collapse of the Habsburg monarchy was driving the literati to abundant cafés in Vienna. [.]
Based on Michael Rössner and Carine Trapper's studies and the memoirs and feuilletons of the Viennese coffeehouse literati, the article concisely considers the genesis of Vienna's coffeehouse literati before a German invasion in 1938. The article confines itself to the Café Griensteidl, Café Central, and Herrenhof, three major coffeehouses literati: the conditions of their setting up and closing down, literary programmes offered by regular visitors at the coffeehouses, the so-called emotional attitude of the coffeehouse, as well as the conditions under which they were generally able to exist. At the stage of the Café Griensteidl, also known as Café Megalomania, the Young Vienna movement centered on Hermann Bahr to declare naturalism in literature and art to be at an end. On the other hand, in contrast to artists the literati of the given stage who later shifted to the Café Central combined salon writing and cafe culture whereby the coffeehouse was seen as a place of writing or even "lifestyle", "emotional attitude". At the stage of the Herrenhof, attempts were made to overcome an impressionistic sense of life upheld at the Café Central, the bohemian lifestyle, decadence and dandyism, and to refuel art, politics and literature discussions originating from the café setting with a tincture of revolutionary activism and anarchism. The Herrenhof literati were interrelated by lasciviousness and the demand for opioid intoxication carried over from the Café Central and promoted by psychoanalyst Otto Gross. Critical feeling and impotence of the modern individual to apprehend the causes of the impending catastrophe constituted an essential condition for cafe culture development. Anticipation of the imminent collapse of the Habsburg monarchy was driving the literati to abundant cafés in Vienna. [.]
