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The article analyses the relationship between democracy and technocracy invoking Lithuanian philosopher Vydūnas' view on the role of moral values playing in the state. Investigating projects directed to the welfare state creation the author asks how much these projects are technocratic in the narrow sense – performing with the help of knowledge of nature sciences, engineering, economics and other, and what role in these pro-jects moral values play. The author distinguishes two types of projects – technocracy in the narrow and in the wide sense. The latter is defined as social engineering based on the interdisciplinary discussion of experts on the questions linked with moral values. The main theses defended are the following: democracy ant technocracy as the methods of governance should not be contrasted; technocracy could not replace democracy which is the system defending freedom of the individual person; moral ideals (freedom, equality, justice, seeking of common good) are the basic guide in the sphere of values for the social engineering directed to the creation of welfare state.

The article analyses the relationship between democracy and technocracy invoking Lithuanian philosopher Vydūnas' view on the role of moral values playing in the state. Investigating projects directed to the welfare state creation the author asks how much these projects are technocratic in the narrow sense – performing with the help of knowledge of nature sciences, engineering, economics and other, and what role in these pro-jects moral values play. The author distinguishes two types of projects – technocracy in the narrow and in the wide sense. The latter is defined as social engineering based on the interdisciplinary discussion of experts on the questions linked with moral values. The main theses defended are the following: democracy ant technocracy as the methods of governance should not be contrasted; technocracy could not replace democracy which is the system defending freedom of the individual person; moral ideals (freedom, equality, justice, seeking of common good) are the basic guide in the sphere of values for the social engineering directed to the creation of welfare state.

At the beginning scholastic Jesuit theatre was considered to be a part of didactic teaching programme. During their performances students were trained to associate with spectators, develop their memory, articulation, review the knowledge of the Latin language, meditate upon religious, moral values. New academic years used to begin and end with students' performances, they supplemented various state and religious.

At the beginning scholastic Jesuit theatre was considered to be a part of didactic teaching programme. During their performances students were trained to associate with spectators, develop their memory, articulation, review the knowledge of the Latin language, meditate upon religious, moral values. New academic years used to begin and end with students' performances, they supplemented various state and religious.

At the beginning scholastic Jesuit theatre was considered to be a part of didactic teaching programme. During their performances students were trained to associate with spectators, develop their memory, articulation, review the knowledge of the Latin language, meditate upon religious, moral values. New academic years used to begin and end with students' performances, they supplemented various state and religious.

At the beginning scholastic Jesuit theatre was considered to be a part of didactic teaching programme. During their performances students were trained to associate with spectators, develop their memory, articulation, review the knowledge of the Latin language, meditate upon religious, moral values. New academic years used to begin and end with students' performances, they supplemented various state and religious.

A s it could be seen, two superschemas can be defined (ignoring the level of abstraction though) – one based on loosely called moral principles (different notions of justice and traditional value-loaded belief systems), and one based on rational evaluation of efficiency (both of these superstructures are found behind both issues: behind possibly more economic, efficient-related field of progressive taxes, and the traditionally more moral-related topic of abortion abolition). This empirical evidence could add to the more normative discussion on blurring lines between different principles marking specific political fields. Hence in this article the logic of arguments which leads to formation of specific positions on two policy issues in Lithuania is explored. Although this pilot research lacks representativeness and final list of cognitive schemas possible, it still not only registers main arguments on two issues, but also adds to deeper knowledge of the electorate, possible forecasts of political attitudes and, finally, may strengthen the ground for more meaningful communication between political elite and citizenry.

A s it could be seen, two superschemas can be defined (ignoring the level of abstraction though) – one based on loosely called moral principles (different notions of justice and traditional value-loaded belief systems), and one based on rational evaluation of efficiency (both of these superstructures are found behind both issues: behind possibly more economic, efficient-related field of progressive taxes, and the traditionally more moral-related topic of abortion abolition). This empirical evidence could add to the more normative discussion on blurring lines between different principles marking specific political fields. Hence in this article the logic of arguments which leads to formation of specific positions on two policy issues in Lithuania is explored. Although this pilot research lacks representativeness and final list of cognitive schemas possible, it still not only registers main arguments on two issues, but also adds to deeper knowledge of the electorate, possible forecasts of political attitudes and, finally, may strengthen the ground for more meaningful communication between political elite and citizenry.

A s it could be seen, two superschemas can be defined (ignoring the level of abstraction though) – one based on loosely called moral principles (different notions of justice and traditional value-loaded belief systems), and one based on rational evaluation of efficiency (both of these superstructures are found behind both issues: behind possibly more economic, efficient-related field of progressive taxes, and the traditionally more moral-related topic of abortion abolition). This empirical evidence could add to the more normative discussion on blurring lines between different principles marking specific political fields. Hence in this article the logic of arguments which leads to formation of specific positions on two policy issues in Lithuania is explored. Although this pilot research lacks representativeness and final list of cognitive schemas possible, it still not only registers main arguments on two issues, but also adds to deeper knowledge of the electorate, possible forecasts of political attitudes and, finally, may strengthen the ground for more meaningful communication between political elite and citizenry.

A s it could be seen, two superschemas can be defined (ignoring the level of abstraction though) – one based on loosely called moral principles (different notions of justice and traditional value-loaded belief systems), and one based on rational evaluation of efficiency (both of these superstructures are found behind both issues: behind possibly more economic, efficient-related field of progressive taxes, and the traditionally more moral-related topic of abortion abolition). This empirical evidence could add to the more normative discussion on blurring lines between different principles marking specific political fields. Hence in this article the logic of arguments which leads to formation of specific positions on two policy issues in Lithuania is explored. Although this pilot research lacks representativeness and final list of cognitive schemas possible, it still not only registers main arguments on two issues, but also adds to deeper knowledge of the electorate, possible forecasts of political attitudes and, finally, may strengthen the ground for more meaningful communication between political elite and citizenry.

The article analyses the documents of the Church on the importance of participation of the Christians in the politics, and presents the analysis of the research into the believer attitude to the relation between faith and politics. The segregation of politics and morality and disregard of the Church authority prevail in the contemporary society. The believers lack knowledge about the teaching of the Church on the issues of politics and society. The teaching of the Church invites the congregation to assume the commitment of participation in the politics as one of the aspects of Christian vocation. Moral theology, Christian social doctrine and political ethics respond to the most important questions raised by people today.

The article analyses the documents of the Church on the importance of participation of the Christians in the politics, and presents the analysis of the research into the believer attitude to the relation between faith and politics. The segregation of politics and morality and disregard of the Church authority prevail in the contemporary society. The believers lack knowledge about the teaching of the Church on the issues of politics and society. The teaching of the Church invites the congregation to assume the commitment of participation in the politics as one of the aspects of Christian vocation. Moral theology, Christian social doctrine and political ethics respond to the most important questions raised by people today.

The article analyses the documents of the Church on the importance of participation of the Christians in the politics, and presents the analysis of the research into the believer attitude to the relation between faith and politics. The segregation of politics and morality and disregard of the Church authority prevail in the contemporary society. The believers lack knowledge about the teaching of the Church on the issues of politics and society. The teaching of the Church invites the congregation to assume the commitment of participation in the politics as one of the aspects of Christian vocation. Moral theology, Christian social doctrine and political ethics respond to the most important questions raised by people today.

Evolving threats to national security have resulted in the adoption of comprehensive (total) defence concepts by a number of small and medium states. Civil resistance constitutes a considerable part of such concepts, complementing military defence. The historical experience of Lithuania proved the value of nonviolent resistance between 1988 and 1991 for regaining independence, and defending it in January 1991. The aim of this article is to analyse the role of non-violent civil resistance in the national defence system, based on the experience of 13 January 1991 in Lithuania and develop further discussion about the concept of civil resistance. The methodological approach of the article is based on historical and theoretical analysis. This allows the experience of Lithuania to be assessed on the basis of Lithuanian National Security and Defence Strategy and scientific research. Lithuanian non-violent civil resistance in 1988–1991 was successful in terms of strategy, leadership, organisation, planning, non-violence priorities and the number of citizens involved. The leaders of the movement were able to mobilise people into a widespread movement based on their moral authority and value orientations, strongly appealing to different groups in society. Lithuania's independence was achieved with minimal human sacrifice, preserving the country's resources and infrastructure. This experience of non-violent civil resistance came to be used by modern state institutions to create strategic documents of the state. In the current situation, it is necessary to focus not only on the knowledge required for state defence and civil resistance, but also on its moral aspects such as values, ethical behaviour, civic and human maturity.

Evolving threats to national security have resulted in the adoption of comprehensive (total) defence concepts by a number of small and medium states. Civil resistance constitutes a considerable part of such concepts, complementing military defence. The historical experience of Lithuania proved the value of nonviolent resistance between 1988 and 1991 for regaining independence, and defending it in January 1991. The aim of this article is to analyse the role of non-violent civil resistance in the national defence system, based on the experience of 13 January 1991 in Lithuania and develop further discussion about the concept of civil resistance. The methodological approach of the article is based on historical and theoretical analysis. This allows the experience of Lithuania to be assessed on the basis of Lithuanian National Security and Defence Strategy and scientific research. Lithuanian non-violent civil resistance in 1988–1991 was successful in terms of strategy, leadership, organisation, planning, non-violence priorities and the number of citizens involved. The leaders of the movement were able to mobilise people into a widespread movement based on their moral authority and value orientations, strongly appealing to different groups in society. Lithuania's independence was achieved with minimal human sacrifice, preserving the country's resources and infrastructure. This experience of non-violent civil resistance came to be used by modern state institutions to create strategic documents of the state. In the current situation, it is necessary to focus not only on the knowledge required for state defence and civil resistance, but also on its moral aspects such as values, ethical behaviour, civic and human maturity.