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AbstractRecent political debate over transgender military service and gendered bathroom use highlights a dramatic increase in salience over transgender issues in the US. In this essay, we examine a potential new front in the culture wars by reviewing recent empirical research in social science on the politics of transgender rights in the context of morality politics. Research on morality politics has often focused on LGBT rights, with an emphasis on gay and lesbian rights and little attention to transgender issues. We highlight the progress of research on transgender issues in the US, focusing on the study of attitudes about transgender people and rights, transgender rights in states and localities, and broader findings affecting transgender populations. Although there is ample research still needed, the current state of empirical social science on transgender issues has made great advancements in the past decade and shows that morality continues to shape LGBT politics and policy.

Why do some countries have 'Culture Wars' over morality issues such as abortion and same-sex marriage while other countries hardly experience any conflict? This book argues that morality issues only generate major conflicts in political systems with a significant conflict between religious and secular parties

Why do municipal governments adopt lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) inclusive policies? The preponderance of literature suggests urbanism and social diversity are the most likely explanations for LGBT municipal policies. This research tests these assumptions using the morality politics model. Using rare-events logistic regression, municipalities in the state of Florida with LGBT antidiscrimination ordinances are compared with municipalities that do not have such policies. The results contradict theories of urbanism and highlight the shortcomings of the morality politics model. Specifically, the results indicate that even under highly salient conditions, LGBT advocacy resources play an important role in the policy adoption process.

Assumes that (1) the demand for sin is characterized by heterogeneous preferences, & (2) private behavior diverges from public statements. From these assumptions, a series of propositions about morality policy are derived. Rational politicians will perceive that demand for restrictive policies will be greater than it actually is & thus compete to produce more extreme policies. Bureaucracies will lack expertise & thus will not provide a check on political excesses. This "politics of sin" can be translated into a contemporary form of redistributive morality policy politics if the issue can be reframed by political actors to legitimate an opposition position. It is argued formally that sin policies in general will fail because they operate on subsets of the population that are more & more resistant to the policy instruments available to government. Potential expansions of this theory, including how it might be generalized to other types of public policy, are considered. 6 Figures, 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

1 Introduction -- 2 Morality policy as a party issue in a secular age -- 3 A new framework of attention on and change of morality issues in parliaments of the religious world -- 4 Comparing attention and change in morality issues -- 5 The rise and fall of morality policies in Austria, Germany, Spain and the Netherlands -- 6 Mechanisms of wedge issue competition -- 7 Explaining patterns of morality policy change in Austria, Germany, Spain and the Netherlands -- 8 The indirect effect of parliamentary attention on morality policy change through the stimulation of venue shifts and changing policy images -- 9 Morality politics in a secular age

AbstractThis study examines the religious-secular party cleavage in German morality politics from a new perspective by tracing politicization patterns at the individual level. It builds on the idea of issue competition and explores whether conflicts between Christian Democrats and secular parties align with the traditional denominational divide between Catholics and non-Catholics or with religiosity. By means of logistic regressions of Member of Parliaments' politicization behavior in the German Bundestag (1998–2002) with regard to three morality policies, the study provides evidence that German politics is still structured by a conflict between Catholics and non-Catholics, whereas the influence of religiosity is secondary. If party competition is at work, non-Catholics draw attention to morality policies, while Catholics refrain from doing so. This finding contradicts research pointing to a decreasing significance of Catholicism for Christian Democracy. Moreover, the study proposes an innovative way to re-examine party cleavages at the individual level and in between elections.