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Political claims commonly argue that the plurality of incommensurable moral horizons now renders traditional modes of conflict management obsolete. In particular, the bargaining model has no relevance or legitimacy with respect to identity politics. The desire to give an account of such phenomena has led to a major shift in political theory, where the notion of "moral pluralism" has a key role. While intense debate surrounds the nature of moral personhood & its institutional implications, moral pluralism itself appears taken for granted. Yet its fragility is revealed by a comparison with traditional interest group pluralism. Indeed, in spite of its "moral" language, the contemporary version of pluralism would be indistinguishable, in practical political terms, from traditional polyarchy. The crucial theoretical issue in this respect is the play of transparency & opacity with respect to political conflict, ie, the presence or absence of a norm of political interaction in terms of which the reasons for making a claim are decisive in assessing the claim's legitimacy. In these terms, "moral" pluralism is ambivalent, & ultimately deeply contradictory. If the challenge of value pluralism is important, the political theory of moral pluralism has not yet provided an adequate answer. Adapted from the source document.

International audience ; This article looks back at the insurrectionary days of 30 and 31 December 2014 that precipitated the fall of Blaise Compaoré in Burkina Faso, through the material traces they left behind in the urban space. It aims at describing precisely street violence in connection with the ways it was handled politically, as well as by the police, questioning the morality that this violence conveys from the insurgents' perspective and exploring the ways in which it is narrated, not only by its protagonists but also by the new authorities who emerged after the insurrection. This wandering among the ruins invites to analyse the popular representations of political and economic power through the prism of what has been broken; it also calls to explore the plurality of rationalities that are revealed through insurrectionary violence; it finally leads to reflect on the political use of ruins and on how these can be inserted into politics of memory. ; Cet article revient sur les journées insurrectionnelles des 30 et 31 décembre 2014 qui ont précipité la chute de Blaise Compaoré au Burkina Faso, à travers les ruines matérielles qu'elles ont laissées dans l'espace urbain. Il vise à décrire précisément la violence de rue en lien avec son traitement politique et policier, à interroger les différentes morales dont cette violence est porteuse du point de vue des insurgés et à questionner ses mises en récit sélectives et rétrospectives, tant par ses protagonistes que par les autorités issues du renversement de régime. Cette déambulation parmi les ruines d'une insurrection invite à analyser les représentations populaires du pouvoir politique et économique sous le prisme de ce qui a été cassé ; elle engage également à explorer la pluralité des rationalités qui se révèlent dans la violence en situation insurrectionnelle ; elle amène enfin à réfléchir à l'usage des ruines et à la manière dont ces dernières peuvent s'insérer dans des politiques de la trace.

International audience ; This article looks back at the insurrectionary days of 30 and 31 December 2014 that precipitated the fall of Blaise Compaoré in Burkina Faso, through the material traces they left behind in the urban space. It aims at describing precisely street violence in connection with the ways it was handled politically, as well as by the police, questioning the morality that this violence conveys from the insurgents' perspective and exploring the ways in which it is narrated, not only by its protagonists but also by the new authorities who emerged after the insurrection. This wandering among the ruins invites to analyse the popular representations of political and economic power through the prism of what has been broken; it also calls to explore the plurality of rationalities that are revealed through insurrectionary violence; it finally leads to reflect on the political use of ruins and on how these can be inserted into politics of memory. ; Cet article revient sur les journées insurrectionnelles des 30 et 31 décembre 2014 qui ont précipité la chute de Blaise Compaoré au Burkina Faso, à travers les ruines matérielles qu'elles ont laissées dans l'espace urbain. Il vise à décrire précisément la violence de rue en lien avec son traitement politique et policier, à interroger les différentes morales dont cette violence est porteuse du point de vue des insurgés et à questionner ses mises en récit sélectives et rétrospectives, tant par ses protagonistes que par les autorités issues du renversement de régime. Cette déambulation parmi les ruines d'une insurrection invite à analyser les représentations populaires du pouvoir politique et économique sous le prisme de ce qui a été cassé ; elle engage également à explorer la pluralité des rationalités qui se révèlent dans la violence en situation insurrectionnelle ; elle amène enfin à réfléchir à l'usage des ruines et à la manière dont ces dernières peuvent s'insérer dans des politiques de la trace.

International audience ; This article looks back at the insurrectionary days of 30 and 31 December 2014 that precipitated the fall of Blaise Compaoré in Burkina Faso, through the material traces they left behind in the urban space. It aims at describing precisely street violence in connection with the ways it was handled politically, as well as by the police, questioning the morality that this violence conveys from the insurgents' perspective and exploring the ways in which it is narrated, not only by its protagonists but also by the new authorities who emerged after the insurrection. This wandering among the ruins invites to analyse the popular representations of political and economic power through the prism of what has been broken; it also calls to explore the plurality of rationalities that are revealed through insurrectionary violence; it finally leads to reflect on the political use of ruins and on how these can be inserted into politics of memory. ; Cet article revient sur les journées insurrectionnelles des 30 et 31 décembre 2014 qui ont précipité la chute de Blaise Compaoré au Burkina Faso, à travers les ruines matérielles qu'elles ont laissées dans l'espace urbain. Il vise à décrire précisément la violence de rue en lien avec son traitement politique et policier, à interroger les différentes morales dont cette violence est porteuse du point de vue des insurgés et à questionner ses mises en récit sélectives et rétrospectives, tant par ses protagonistes que par les autorités issues du renversement de régime. Cette déambulation parmi les ruines d'une insurrection invite à analyser les représentations populaires du pouvoir politique et économique sous le prisme de ce qui a été cassé ; elle engage également à explorer la pluralité des rationalités qui se révèlent dans la violence en situation insurrectionnelle ; elle amène enfin à réfléchir à l'usage des ruines et à la manière dont ces dernières peuvent s'insérer dans des politiques de la trace.

Designing institutions to reconcile liberty & equality is a central goal of left-libertarians. This article discusses the likely consequences of Michael Otsuka's suggestion of making "the unjust" provide for "the disabled," should this prove the only way of securing equality for the latter. I argue that even in the kind of society envisaged by left-libertarians, forcing people to work, be they criminals or not, would be morally unacceptable & politically dangerous. Part of my argument hinges on fairness towards those being punished by society: for a variety of reasons, it would be unfair to make convicted criminals work for others. Other objections are based on the practical (but morally charged) problems involved in such an arrangement: by encouraging abuse & engendering social antagonism, it would partly defeat the purpose of the law & might distort the mechanisms that serve to implement the rule of law. The most important objection, however, is the likely stigmatization of those whose livelihood would depend on the forced labor of convicted criminals: hence putting convicts to work for the disabled would be unfair to the latter as well, for it would mar their status in society. Adapted from the source document.

In 2000, while representatives of the extreme right were gaining in popularity in Austria, Belgium, along with most other European countries, proceeded to condemn these developments. However, Minister of Foreign Affairs Louis Michel went on to declare it immoral to ski in Austria, & there ensued a number of such moralistic boycotts, which, according to Estmaele, were an excess. In a similar development before the imminent onset of the Iraq War, Belgium declared it would not allow transport of American military goods through Belgian territory. This attitude is here also referred to as a moralistic excess that lacks diplomatic subtlety. Citing these & other examples, this article explores how the pressure exerted on Belgium & the rest of Europe by American initiatives may be said to have revealed some of the antiquated & excessively moralistic postures assumed by Belgian foreign policy. C. Brunski

V. Pareto is not interested in the nature of politics, but in the political society & its equilibrium. His method, tested in his economic & sociological research, examines the intrinsic value & importance of power, how it manifests itself in the political ideology, religion, & morality of the social community, & how it necessarily contributes to the changing of the elites. Pareto evaluates social stability in terms of the governing elite, characteristically described as a dynamic minority. Pareto concludes that this minority must continually define & defend its ideology commensurate with the needs of the society in general. Most important, this minority must agree to recognize the inherent necessity for the circulation of the elites. Modified HA.

The aim of this article is to compare two of the leading contemporary theories of equality: those of left-libertarianism & perfectionist liberalism. I argue that, in theoretical terms, the chief difference between the two regards the State's responsibility for "wasted lives." Libertarianism rejects State spending on individual self-realization if such expenditure conflicts with the right of self-ownership. Perfectionist liberalism, in contrast, accepts this possibility. I also look at case studies that bring out ramifications of perfectionist liberalism unacceptable to left-libertarians. Specifically, only the former advocates public spending to cultural, humanitarian or economic ends. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the reasons for our current incapacity to consider the problems facing our societies in a properly political manner. She examines the role played by liberal democratic theory in the displacement of politics by morality & brings to the fore the negative consequences of the consensual understanding of democracy. She underlines the necessity of acknowledging the antagonistic dimension of democracy & the place of passions in the construction of political identities. She argues in favor of an "agonistic" model of democracy to remedy the shortcomings of the "deliberative" approach. Adapted from the source document.

Titus Pomponius Atticus was one of the most controversial characters during the last century of the Roman Republic. His name went down in History thanks to his lifelong amicitia, his friendship, with famous roman orator: Cicero. Friend with the highest dignitaries of his time, regardless of their political affiliations, he succeeded in constituting a network of friendly relations which allowed him to preserve his "tranquility", in a time marked by many ruthless civil wars. Practicing a moderate form of Epicureanism, this Roman man devoted himself to the pleasures of Otium while attempting to make a symbiosis between the duties of his "condition," and the "demands" of his morality. As a aristocratic financier, an informant, a political adviser, a bookseller and a publisher, this man, like a chameleon, possessed many talents which attracted the favor and esteem of « all » of his contemporaries. In a political context as troubled and dangerous as the First century of the Republic, threatened many times, Atticus managed to come out of each of these wars with an increase stature. Indeed, during that time, while his closest relatives were struck by misfortune with each regime change, Atticus' position and fortune grew stronger and bigger. As a true example of sociability, he enjoyed a real political power through his friendships. Where some insisted on changing only the present, Atticus showed great ability and ingenuity. Like a visionary ahead of this time, he chose to observe, analyze, foresee the future, and to lead a « political action » capable of dealing with the revolution that will give birth to the Roman Empire. Although a privileged actor and witness of the roman fate, he displayed a fierce desire to remain behind the scenes. He was aware of the realities of his time and was eager to « remain free ». He was also determined to "live" and "survive" according to his desires, at a time when this seemed impossible. This « man of the shadows », who until now still remains a mystery for most of us, appears like the ...

Titus Pomponius Atticus was one of the most controversial characters during the last century of the Roman Republic. His name went down in History thanks to his lifelong amicitia, his friendship, with famous roman orator: Cicero. Friend with the highest dignitaries of his time, regardless of their political affiliations, he succeeded in constituting a network of friendly relations which allowed him to preserve his "tranquility", in a time marked by many ruthless civil wars. Practicing a moderate form of Epicureanism, this Roman man devoted himself to the pleasures of Otium while attempting to make a symbiosis between the duties of his "condition," and the "demands" of his morality. As a aristocratic financier, an informant, a political adviser, a bookseller and a publisher, this man, like a chameleon, possessed many talents which attracted the favor and esteem of « all » of his contemporaries. In a political context as troubled and dangerous as the First century of the Republic, threatened many times, Atticus managed to come out of each of these wars with an increase stature. Indeed, during that time, while his closest relatives were struck by misfortune with each regime change, Atticus' position and fortune grew stronger and bigger. As a true example of sociability, he enjoyed a real political power through his friendships. Where some insisted on changing only the present, Atticus showed great ability and ingenuity. Like a visionary ahead of this time, he chose to observe, analyze, foresee the future, and to lead a « political action » capable of dealing with the revolution that will give birth to the Roman Empire. Although a privileged actor and witness of the roman fate, he displayed a fierce desire to remain behind the scenes. He was aware of the realities of his time and was eager to « remain free ». He was also determined to "live" and "survive" according to his desires, at a time when this seemed impossible. This « man of the shadows », who until now still remains a mystery for most of us, appears like the ...

Titus Pomponius Atticus was one of the most controversial characters during the last century of the Roman Republic. His name went down in History thanks to his lifelong amicitia, his friendship, with famous roman orator: Cicero. Friend with the highest dignitaries of his time, regardless of their political affiliations, he succeeded in constituting a network of friendly relations which allowed him to preserve his "tranquility", in a time marked by many ruthless civil wars. Practicing a moderate form of Epicureanism, this Roman man devoted himself to the pleasures of Otium while attempting to make a symbiosis between the duties of his "condition," and the "demands" of his morality. As a aristocratic financier, an informant, a political adviser, a bookseller and a publisher, this man, like a chameleon, possessed many talents which attracted the favor and esteem of « all » of his contemporaries. In a political context as troubled and dangerous as the First century of the Republic, threatened many times, Atticus managed to come out of each of these wars with an increase stature. Indeed, during that time, while his closest relatives were struck by misfortune with each regime change, Atticus' position and fortune grew stronger and bigger. As a true example of sociability, he enjoyed a real political power through his friendships. Where some insisted on changing only the present, Atticus showed great ability and ingenuity. Like a visionary ahead of this time, he chose to observe, analyze, foresee the future, and to lead a « political action » capable of dealing with the revolution that will give birth to the Roman Empire. Although a privileged actor and witness of the roman fate, he displayed a fierce desire to remain behind the scenes. He was aware of the realities of his time and was eager to « remain free ». He was also determined to "live" and "survive" according to his desires, at a time when this seemed impossible. This « man of the shadows », who until now still remains a mystery for most of us, appears like the ...

This text is organised as follows. After an introduction on the precautions to be taken with regard to the use of philosophy, this text will address in turn: "save the phenomena"; Ethics in Nicomac; the Souain Bien, happiness and tenure; the designation as an activity and "own function"; the necessary measure and fair militia of justice to fairness; caution; politics in its reporting to morality; double exceedance of Platon and the technicians; some points of discussion (a double overrun of dogmatism and scepticism, original reflection on action; practical, autonomous and specific wisdom; a new conception of law and law) and the problematic news of Aristotle. ; Master ; This text is organised as follows. After an introduction on the precautions to be taken with regard to the use of philosophy, this text will address in turn: "save the phenomena"; Ethics in Nicomac; the Souain Bien, happiness and tenure; the designation as an activity and "own function"; the necessary measure and fair militia of justice to fairness; caution; politics in its reporting to morality; double exceedance of Platon and the technicians; some points of discussion (a double overrun of dogmatism and scepticism, original reflection on action; practical, autonomous and specific wisdom; a new conception of law and law) and the problematic news of Aristotle. ; Ce texte est organisé de la manière suivante. Après une introduction consacrée aux précautions à prendre quant à l'usage de la philosophie, ce texte abordera successivement : « sauver les phénomènes » ; L'Ethique à Nicomaque ; le Souverain Bien, le bonheur et la vertu ; la vertu comme activité et « fonction propre » ; la mesure nécessaire et le juste milieude la justice à l'équité ; la prudence ; la politique dans son rapport à la morale ; le double dépassement de Platon et des Sophistes ; quelques éléments de discussion (un double dépassement du dogmatisme et du scepticisme-une réflexion originale sur l'action ; une sagesse pratique, autonome et spécifique ; une nouvelle conception de la ...