Suchergebnisse

International surveys show that Russia's population is more "Western" than self-image and foreign perceptions appear to suggest. Russian and German citizens have a similar understanding of politics and democracy. In Russia, most people distrust the legal system and want a strong leader. With respect to sexuality and morality, there are differences in values: most Russians squarely reject homosexuality. The idea of a "Russian special path" does not apply. Russia is in a catch-up phase of development, through which other countries in Europe have already passed. Adapted from the source document.

During the nineties, the Christian Right developed into one of the strongest political special interest groups in the US. Its beginnings go back to 1978/79, when the first national movement organizations of politicized conservative Protestantism ("Evangelicalism") were founded. The Christian Right turns against the "secularization" of the public sphere & the separation of morality & law. Its politics are aimed at the restoration of the status quo ante, ie, the restoration of the kind of Protestant domination in culture & society that existed in the US up to & into the fifties. According to some critics it was no accident that the Christian Right emerged at a time when fundamentalist movements around the world began to attract attention. Their common goal was to reconstruct state legal systems in accordance with the "fundamental" principles of their religions & to place state power in the hands of the "theologians" or "true believers." This investigation analyzes the reasons why there has been no radicalization of the American "fundamentalist" protest movement of the Christian Right, as was forecast against this background rather, ideological & institutional factors have led to an integration into the existing political system. 84 References. Adapted from the source document.

Transparency Imperatives: Results and Frontiers of Social Science Research -- Morality and Transparency: Clarity vs. Emptiness -- Wie wird "Entwicklung" transparent gemacht? Kämpfe um globale Entwicklungsindikatoren -- Grenzen der Transparenz – Geheimhaltung in demokratischen Systemen -- Sunlight City. Exploring the Politics of Urban Transparency Activism -- Polizeiliche Transparenzpraktiken und die Flexibilität einer Norm im organisatorischen Alltag -- Surveillance and transparency in action. On digital transformations, proactive governance and logics of temporality -- Making Quality Transparent: How Quantification is Implicated in Changing Norms for Governing Healthcare -- Massenüberwachung als Politik. Transparenz, Privatheit und die Geburt der Kryptopolitik -- Lob der Salami-Taktik. Der Transparenz-Imperativ als Kritik des strategischen Enthüllungsjournalismus -- Funktionen und Folgen von Transparenz. Zum Fall Open Science -- Transparency and Accountability in Monetary Policy Committees -- Transparenz oder Öffentlichkeit? Zur Funktionsbedingung parlamentarischer Deliberation.

International audience ; Rechte Intellektuelle berufen sich oft auf Nietzsches Konzept der Sklavenmoral, um damit ihre Kritik an 'political correctness' zu untermauern. Diese Verschaltung von Nietzsches Sklavenmoral und 'PC'-Kritik ist zutreffend, wie die systematische Analyse ihrer gemeinsamen Elemente zeigt, die zu einer Neubeschreibung von 'PC'-Kritik als Privilegienverteidigung führt. Im Gegensatz zur rechtsnietzscheanischen 'PC'-Kritik zeigt der linksnietzscheanische Begriff des privilegienkritischen 'politischen Urteilens', dass Politik ein Kampf um Macht und Ansprüche ist, wobei der politische Raum und seine Diskurse immer verregelt und ein Verteilungssystem für Ressourcen und Privilegien sind. Deshalb ist es für eine emanzipatorische Position angebracht, die etablierten Normen kritisch zu hinterfragen und politische Projekte, die sie emanzipativ umschreiben wollen, zu unterstützen. Weil 'PC' als emanzipatives politisches Urteilen Privilegien abbaut, ist es kein zu vermeidender Nebeneffekt, sondern ihr vernünftiger Kern, wenn Privilegierte davon eingeschränkt werden. Der Linksnietzscheanismus hilft, nicht von rechter Aggression überrascht zu werden und ihr entsprechend kämpferisch durch strikte Normsetzung zu begegnen. ; Right-wing intellectuals often invoke Nietzsche's concept of slave morality to underpin their criticism of 'political correctness' ('PC'). This interconnection of Nietzsche's slave morality and 'PC' criticism is correct, as a systematic analysis of their common elements shows, which leads to a new description of 'PC' criticism as a defense of privilege. In contrast to the right-wing Nietzschean 'PC' critique, the left-wing Nietzschean concept of a privilege-critical 'political judgement' understands politics as a struggle for power, in which the space of the political and related discourses are always already regulated and determine the conditions under which resources and privileges are distributed. Therefore, it is appropriate for an emancipatory position to critically question the ...

The article develops the concept of "political judgement" – a new, affirmative understanding of the phenomena which are criticized as "political correctness" by both right-wing and liberal commentators. To that end, it takes the right's claims, that "political correctness" is slave morality in Nietzsche's sense seriously and proposes a systematic reading of a right-nietzschean position. Connecting current "political-correctness"-critique and Nietzsche in this way allows for a deeper understanding of the right-wing rationality and the affective energy underlying the critique. Through contrasting this right-nietzschean reading with its systematic opposite, a left-nietzschean position, the article shows that the essence of politics is to redesign norms which distribute privilege. What is critically labelled "political correctness" is, thus, better captured by the notion of "political judgment", because – given an interest in emancipation – such politics should not be demonized when they limit the freedom provided by undeserved privileges.

The article develops the concept of "political judgement" - a new, affirmative understanding of the phenomena which are criticized as "political correctness" by both right-wing and liberal commentators To that end, it takes the right's claims, that "political correctness" is slave morality in Nietzsche's sense seriously and proposes a systematic reading of a right-nietzschean position Connecting current "political-correctness"-critique and Nietzsche in this way allows for a deeper understanding of the right-wing rationality and the affective energy underlying the critique Through contrasting this right-nietzschean reading with its systematic opposite, a left-nietzschean position, the article shows that the essence of politics is to design norms which distribute privilege What is critically labelled "political correctness" is, thus, better captured by the notion of "political judgment", because - given an interest in emancipation - such politics should not be demonized when they limit the freedom provided by undeserved privileges.

Considers the concept of acceptance (ie, consent to political decisions) in the context of the sociological debate on sociosubjective political legitimacy. Acceptance is discussed as both a precondition for & a constraint on legitimacy in modern societies characterized by an increasingly wide spectrum of conceptions of justice & morality & a growing propensity for public protest. Under these circumstances, politicians & other decisionmakers have moved from legitimation via existence/tradition to legitimation via rational-procedural means to legitimation via acceptance. They use strategies of persuasion & justification, often in a trial-&-error manner & often targeted at the grassroots. This is discussed in terms of structural changes in the public sphere, & it is concluded that leading by "generating applause" runs the risks of substituting opinion polling for true democracy & reducing people to voting machines. Examples from the Federal Republic of Germany illustrate. Adapted from the source document.

In jüngerer Zeit erfuhr der Begriff der "Hypermoral" eine Wiederbelebung. Er steht für die Kritik moralisierend geführter gesellschaftlicher Debatten. Tatsächlich weist die Struktur neuzeitlicher Moral einen expansiven Charakter auf. Während dies vor allem Politik, Wirtschaft, Kirchen und private Lebensstile betrifft, scheint das Recht davon nicht betroffen zu sein. Es ist weniger anfällig für die Normmigration, weil sich die moralischen Inhalte an Form und Zuständigkeit brechen. Das Recht – das öffentliche Recht zumal – ist insoweit strukturell unmoralisch. Darin liegt eine Funktionsbedingung heutigen verfassungsstaatlichen Rechts. Der Beitrag zeigt, wie das öffentliche Recht aber dennoch Einbruchsstellen für hypertrophe Moralgebräuche aufweist. Sie liegen in der Form des juristischen Denkens und Argumentierens. Diese geräuschlose Migration ist dem stillschweigenden Modellcharakter der Moral geschuldet und kritisch zu hinterfragen.
In recent times, the term "hypermorality" has experienced a remarkable revival. It stands for the critique of moralising public debates. In fact, the structure of morality in the modern period shows expansive features. While this primarily affects politics, the economy, churches and private lifestyles, law seems to be shielded from this debate. It is less susceptible to norm migration because moral reasoning is both prevented by the legal form and jurisdiction. In this respect, law – public law in particular – is structurally immoral. This is a precondition of law in modern constitutional settings. As this article however shows, public law nevertheless has points of entry for hypertrophic moral reasoning. They lie in the form of legal thinking and argumentation. This silent migration is due to the unspoken model character of modern morality and must be critically questioned.

In the discussion of Henry Kissinger's work Diplomacy, the article traces the fundamental questions and problems the European multi-state system faced from the 17th to the 20th century. The essay concentrates on the dual principles of power and morality, hegemony and equilibrium, war and peace. These concepts are applied to European and world history from the modern age to the present. The questions that are given preferential treatment are those concerning: the relationship between national cultures and international order; the compatibility of democracy and empire; the relationship of public opinion and political action; the mutual dependence of economy and foreign policy; and finally, the relevance of the historic power systems to the contemporary and future development of international order. (Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte / AuD)

Politik soll ihre Entscheidungen nicht nur sachgerecht und gemäß den rechtlichen Rahmenbedingungen treffen, sondern ebenso den Ansprüchen der Moralität genügen. Anhand der vier Themen Moral, Terrorismus, Globalisierung und Demokratie zeigen renommierte Experten allgemeinverständlich auf, welche Herausforderungen damit für Politik und Ethik verbunden sind. Mit Beiträgen von Moritz Leuenberger, Herfried Münkler, Francis Cheneval und Julian Nida-Rümelin. Policy should make decisions not only appropriately and in accordance with the legal framework, but also to meet the demands of morality. By reference to the four themes of ethics, terrorism, globalization, and democracy, renowned experts illustrate in layman's terms the challenges by which politics and ethics are connected. With contributions from Moritz Leuenberger, Münkler, Francis Cheneval, and Julian Nida-Rümelin. Rezension »Die vier Beiträge enthalten zahlreiche Denkanstöße zu komplexen Themen von hoher Relevanz. Somit wird das Buch seinem Anspruch, eine breite Leserschaft zum Nachdenken anzuregen, völlig gerecht.« Nico Ditscher, www.socialnet.de, 05.09.2014 »[Das Buch] regt den Leser [...] an, selber zu denken.« Jörn Olhöft, Politik und Ethik, 6 (2014) Besprochen in: Portal für Politikwissenschaft, 21.08.2014, Matthias Lemke Reihe Edition Politik - Band 19.

Arendts Essay irritiert in Zeiten von Fake-News mit der These, dass der Anspruch aufWahrheit im Kontext der Politik abzuweisen sei. In der Tat leistet Arendt mit ihren Überlegungen einen Beitrag zur fälligen Rehabilitierung der Meinungen in ihrer praktischen, handlungsleitenden Funktion gerade durch die Abgrenzung von Meinungen gegenüber dem in politischen Verhältnissen unangemessen Anspruch auf unbedingte Wahrheit. Im Horizont von Meinungen erschließen sich die Möglichkeiten des Handelns. Vernunftwahrheiten erweisen sich dagegen auf dem Feld des Politischen, das sich für Arendt durch den Pluralismus der Meinungen konstituiert, als tyrannisch.Aus dieser Perspektive ergibt sich eine analytisch schärfere Diagnose der politischen Lüge, als es die auf Moral abgestellten Invektiven zu leisten vermögen. Lüge unterminiert,für alle Beteiligten, die Orientierungsfunktion der öffentlichen Meinung.Arendt's essay irritates in times of fake news with the thesis that the claim to truth in the context of politics must be rejected. In fact, Arendt's reflections contribute to the due rehabilitation of opinions in their practical, action-guiding function precisely through the differentiation of opinions from the claim to absolute truth that is inappropriate in political circumstances. In the horizon of opinions the possibilities of action open up. In contrast, truths of reason prove to be tyrannical in the field of the political, which for Arendt is constituted by the pluralism of opinions.From this perspective, an analytically sharper diagnosis of the political lie emerges than the invectives based on morality can provide. Lies undermine, for all participants, the orientation function of public opinion.