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The aim of the paper is to reconstruct and analyze Alvydas Jokubaitis's under-standing of politics. It is argued that Jokubaitis couples politics with morality in opposition to the liberal project of the autonomy of politics, which seeks to separate these two fields of human activity. According to Jokubaitis, politics is a realm of realization of the spiritual side of human nature. That is the reason why, through morality, he also tries to align poli-tics with other domains of human spirituality, such as religion and metaphysics. What is common to politics, morality, religion, and metaphysics is the sphere of normativity, i.e., that of purposes, principles, and imperatives. At the same time, Jokubaitis attacks those schools of modern thought which interpret politics as corresponding solely to the physical, animal side of human nature. In this regard, positivism and scientism are singled out as the crudest attempts to misconstrue the nature of politics. The paper is based on a convic-tion that the acknowledgement of the importance of morality allows one to piece together Jokubaitis's various considerations about the nature and distinctiveness of politics into a coherent whole.

The aim of the paper is to reconstruct and analyze Alvydas Jokubaitis's under-standing of politics. It is argued that Jokubaitis couples politics with morality in opposition to the liberal project of the autonomy of politics, which seeks to separate these two fields of human activity. According to Jokubaitis, politics is a realm of realization of the spiritual side of human nature. That is the reason why, through morality, he also tries to align poli-tics with other domains of human spirituality, such as religion and metaphysics. What is common to politics, morality, religion, and metaphysics is the sphere of normativity, i.e., that of purposes, principles, and imperatives. At the same time, Jokubaitis attacks those schools of modern thought which interpret politics as corresponding solely to the physical, animal side of human nature. In this regard, positivism and scientism are singled out as the crudest attempts to misconstrue the nature of politics. The paper is based on a convic-tion that the acknowledgement of the importance of morality allows one to piece together Jokubaitis's various considerations about the nature and distinctiveness of politics into a coherent whole.

The aim of the paper is to reconstruct and analyze Alvydas Jokubaitis's under-standing of politics. It is argued that Jokubaitis couples politics with morality in opposition to the liberal project of the autonomy of politics, which seeks to separate these two fields of human activity. According to Jokubaitis, politics is a realm of realization of the spiritual side of human nature. That is the reason why, through morality, he also tries to align poli-tics with other domains of human spirituality, such as religion and metaphysics. What is common to politics, morality, religion, and metaphysics is the sphere of normativity, i.e., that of purposes, principles, and imperatives. At the same time, Jokubaitis attacks those schools of modern thought which interpret politics as corresponding solely to the physical, animal side of human nature. In this regard, positivism and scientism are singled out as the crudest attempts to misconstrue the nature of politics. The paper is based on a convic-tion that the acknowledgement of the importance of morality allows one to piece together Jokubaitis's various considerations about the nature and distinctiveness of politics into a coherent whole.

The aim of the paper is to reconstruct and analyze Alvydas Jokubaitis's under-standing of politics. It is argued that Jokubaitis couples politics with morality in opposition to the liberal project of the autonomy of politics, which seeks to separate these two fields of human activity. According to Jokubaitis, politics is a realm of realization of the spiritual side of human nature. That is the reason why, through morality, he also tries to align poli-tics with other domains of human spirituality, such as religion and metaphysics. What is common to politics, morality, religion, and metaphysics is the sphere of normativity, i.e., that of purposes, principles, and imperatives. At the same time, Jokubaitis attacks those schools of modern thought which interpret politics as corresponding solely to the physical, animal side of human nature. In this regard, positivism and scientism are singled out as the crudest attempts to misconstrue the nature of politics. The paper is based on a convic-tion that the acknowledgement of the importance of morality allows one to piece together Jokubaitis's various considerations about the nature and distinctiveness of politics into a coherent whole.

El artículo plantea la existencia de serias afinidades entre Arendt y Weber a dos niveles: a) en su desarrollo evolutivo, desde el debate con Jaspers a propósito de la obra de Weber, hasta su etapa final, mostrándose los aspectos en que aparece la presencia weberiana; b) concretada en el problema de la relación entre moralidad y política, señalando las fuertes coincidencias entre ambos autores como puede apreciarse en sus respectivos análisis de la compasión y de los sentimientos morales, de la revolución francesa y en la valoración de Dostoievski y de Maquiavelo. ; The article considers the existence of strong affinities between Arendt and Weber at two levels: a) in its evolutionary development, from the debate with Jaspers on Weber's work, to its final stage, showing the aspects with weberian presence; b) foused on the problem of the relationship between morality and politics, pointing out the great coincidences between both authors as can be seen in their respective analyzes of compassion and moral feelings, the French revolution and the valuation of Dostoyevski and Machiavelli.

One way of characterising the present political conjuncture - worldwide, not just in Europe and North America - is to point to the rise to power of politicians best described as demagogues. Trump, Duterte, Putin, Modi, as well as the leaders of Europe's neo-fascist racists (Alternative für Deutschland, the ONR in Poland, Fidesz in Hungary, France's Front National) have in common not just certain policies and attitudes, but, significantly, a political style: that of the demagogue. Thinking through that term, 'demagogue', is instructive in helping us to understand this phenomenon, no less historically than politically.

There is a particularly evident contradiction among the many of our time. We are witness to a long series of declarations of human rights and at the same time we are conscious that in no other period of history has man been more violated and offended in his dignity than now. This not withstanding the declarations of human rights which consider certain political and social situations as inhuman and dehumanising attempt to give rise to new social structures which respect the human condition and encourage its development. These desires, however, often result in totalitarian regimes or in anarchy. This paradox of the failure of hopes for reform shows ip the fact that the models on which the attempted reform of society are based are rendered useless by an internal contradiction that is irremediable. This contradiction lies in the separation of politics from morality and the search for absolute liberty for the individual. Juridical positivism and the search for liberty necessarily lead to revolution as a system and to violence and injustice. The root of the crisis in society is to be found in the heart of the human person, in other words, in sin. Social progress, therefore, must be inspired and directed by ethical values. All authors are in agreement on this point. The question arises, though, as regards which ethical values should be used as a guide. Only when human reason is in complete possession of its capacity to transcend beings and reach Being is it capable of establishing a true ethic. But a well-directed reason also demands that man refuse to centre himself on himself and be sell-sufficient. In theological terms we can say that every man achieves the fulness al his true state in so far as he shares in the being which Christ has, since Christ as Incarnate Word is the truth of man. In the last analysis, the true liberation of man consists in communion with God the Father through Christ in the Holy Spirit. Starting from this fundamental truth, it is a matter of developing an ethical and social study will insert a christocentric principle into everyday realities. The task facing Christians today is to become conscious that Christ, the Son of God made man, is the truth about God, about man, and about the world, and in the light of this principle to encourage a progress which is directed to man and beyond man to Christ as last end of all creation.

This essay studies two sources of tension within Kant's idea of society: on the one hand, the tension arising from the connections and differences between morality and politics; on the other, the tensions between two narratives or argument lines which dominate Kant's texts, the transcendental and the teleological narratives. The essay argues that such tensions may only be attenuated with a particular slant: that is, emphasizing the transcendental narrative and the thesis of the primacy of morality, over and above the teleological narrative and the thesis of the independence of politics vis a vis morality. ; El ensayo estudia dos fuentes de tensión en la idea kantiana de sociedad: por un lado, la tensión configurada por las conexiones y diferencias entre la moral y la política; y, por otro, las tensiones entre dos relatos o líneas argumentales que dominan los textos kantianos, los relatos trascendental y teleológico. La propuesta del ensayo es que tales tensiones pueden atenuarse con un sesgo particular, esto es, enfatizando el relato trascendental y la tesis de la primacía de la moral, frente al relato teleológico y la tesis de la independencia de la política respecto de la moral.

Conferencia pronunciada en la Universidad de Sevilla el 20 de Mayo de 2016 dentro del marco del IV Coloquio SPF: Sujeto, Psicoanálisis y Filosofía organizado por el Grupo de Investigación Filosofía Aplicada: Sujeto, Sufrimiento, Sociedad (HUM 018).

Conferencia pronunciada en la Universidad de Sevilla el 20 de Mayo de 2016 dentro del marco del IV Coloquio SPF: Sujeto, Psicoanálisis y Filosofía organizado por el Grupo de Investigación Filosofía Aplicada: Sujeto, Sufrimiento, Sociedad (HUM 018)

Politics constitutes a central issue of Spinoza's philosophy to such extentthat his real philosophy is claimed to be his metaphysics. In this paper, our purposeis developing a presentation on his main political approach, which is a kind ofsynthesis of his political thinking, focusing on his audacious interpretation ofdemocracy as a legitimate and possible government for multitude. ; La política constituye un tema central en la filosofía de Spinoza, alpunto que se ha llegado a sostener que su verdadera política es su metafísica.Nuestro propósito en este escrito es desarrollar una exposición comentada de susprincipales planteamientos políticos, una especie de síntesis de su ideario político,enfatizando su audaz interpretación de la democracia como gobierno legítimo yposible de la multitud.

The present study has attempted the analysis of public discourse and its moral expectations through metaphor at a contrastive level in the theoretical framework of cognitive linguistics. The study deals with the identification of morality models in public discourse in English and Lithuanian. The materials of the study consist of analytical political articles extracted from the online archives of two following websites: (1) www.economist.com, (2) www.politika.lt. The collected data amounts to 415, 670 words in total. Three methods of analysis were applied to the collected data: qualitative, quantitative and contrastive. The analysis reveals that political affairs in both cultures are framed by the same conceptual metaphors. The structural composition of the conceptual metaphors has been examined in terms of the following thirteen SOURCE domains: MOTION, RELATIONSHIP, STRENGTH, HEALTH, SPORTS, WAR, ESSENCE, BUSINESS, DIRT, SENSES, WHOLENESS, THEATRE, and ANIMALS. The cross-mapping between SOURCE domains and TARGET domains is held by different epistemic correspondences, which leads to the variability of MORALITY models across the two languages, i.e. English and Lithuanian. British politics tends to be more varied in its moral expectations, which derive from three types of Morality Systems: Pragmatic, Rational and Integrated. Thus, the moral expectations governing British political discourse are based on the Complex Morality Model. By contrast, Lithuanian politics is predominantly governed by the Pragmatic Morality Model.

The present study has attempted the analysis of public discourse and its moral expectations through metaphor at a contrastive level in the theoretical framework of cognitive linguistics. The study deals with the identification of morality models in public discourse in English and Lithuanian. The materials of the study consist of analytical political articles extracted from the online archives of two following websites: (1) www.economist.com, (2) www.politika.lt. The collected data amounts to 415, 670 words in total. Three methods of analysis were applied to the collected data: qualitative, quantitative and contrastive. The analysis reveals that political affairs in both cultures are framed by the same conceptual metaphors. The structural composition of the conceptual metaphors has been examined in terms of the following thirteen SOURCE domains: MOTION, RELATIONSHIP, STRENGTH, HEALTH, SPORTS, WAR, ESSENCE, BUSINESS, DIRT, SENSES, WHOLENESS, THEATRE, and ANIMALS. The cross-mapping between SOURCE domains and TARGET domains is held by different epistemic correspondences, which leads to the variability of MORALITY models across the two languages, i.e. English and Lithuanian. British politics tends to be more varied in its moral expectations, which derive from three types of Morality Systems: Pragmatic, Rational and Integrated. Thus, the moral expectations governing British political discourse are based on the Complex Morality Model. By contrast, Lithuanian politics is predominantly governed by the Pragmatic Morality Model.

The present study has attempted the analysis of public discourse and its moral expectations through metaphor at a contrastive level in the theoretical framework of cognitive linguistics. The study deals with the identification of morality models in public discourse in English and Lithuanian. The materials of the study consist of analytical political articles extracted from the online archives of two following websites: (1) www.economist.com, (2) www.politika.lt. The collected data amounts to 415, 670 words in total. Three methods of analysis were applied to the collected data: qualitative, quantitative and contrastive. The analysis reveals that political affairs in both cultures are framed by the same conceptual metaphors. The structural composition of the conceptual metaphors has been examined in terms of the following thirteen SOURCE domains: MOTION, RELATIONSHIP, STRENGTH, HEALTH, SPORTS, WAR, ESSENCE, BUSINESS, DIRT, SENSES, WHOLENESS, THEATRE, and ANIMALS. The cross-mapping between SOURCE domains and TARGET domains is held by different epistemic correspondences, which leads to the variability of MORALITY models across the two languages, i.e. English and Lithuanian. British politics tends to be more varied in its moral expectations, which derive from three types of Morality Systems: Pragmatic, Rational and Integrated. Thus, the moral expectations governing British political discourse are based on the Complex Morality Model. By contrast, Lithuanian politics is predominantly governed by the Pragmatic Morality Model.

The present study has attempted the analysis of public discourse and its moral expectations through metaphor at a contrastive level in the theoretical framework of cognitive linguistics. The study deals with the identification of morality models in public discourse in English and Lithuanian. The materials of the study consist of analytical political articles extracted from the online archives of two following websites: (1) www.economist.com, (2) www.politika.lt. The collected data amounts to 415, 670 words in total. Three methods of analysis were applied to the collected data: qualitative, quantitative and contrastive. The analysis reveals that political affairs in both cultures are framed by the same conceptual metaphors. The structural composition of the conceptual metaphors has been examined in terms of the following thirteen SOURCE domains: MOTION, RELATIONSHIP, STRENGTH, HEALTH, SPORTS, WAR, ESSENCE, BUSINESS, DIRT, SENSES, WHOLENESS, THEATRE, and ANIMALS. The cross-mapping between SOURCE domains and TARGET domains is held by different epistemic correspondences, which leads to the variability of MORALITY models across the two languages, i.e. English and Lithuanian. British politics tends to be more varied in its moral expectations, which derive from three types of Morality Systems: Pragmatic, Rational and Integrated. Thus, the moral expectations governing British political discourse are based on the Complex Morality Model. By contrast, Lithuanian politics is predominantly governed by the Pragmatic Morality Model.