Příspěvek se zabývá problematikou vývoje finančního systému zemí Evropské unie (EU) se zvláštním zaměřením na řešení stávající krize. V první řadě posuzuje smysluplnost a dosavadní postup v naplňování projektu "Eurozóny", včetně procesu postupného zavádění jednotné evropské měny. V souvislosti s tím je provedena analýza dosavadního vývoje v Evropské unii se zvláštním zaměřením na specifikaci soudobých ekonomických problémů, jež se v současnosti řeší prosazováním tzv. "záchranných" opatření. Jelikož se jedná o nestandardní politická rozhodnutí s mimořádně významnými ekonomickými a společenskými dopady, je jejich obsah analyzován v systémových souvislostech, s cílem zhodnotit jejich přínosnost, resp. rizikovost nejen s ohledem na budoucí hospodářský vývoj Evropské unie, ale též z hlediska prospěšnosti s ohledem na evropské obyvatelstvo a lidskou společnost. ; This paper deals with the development of the financial system in the European Union (EU), with a special focus on solving the current crisis. First, assess the current and meaningful progress in the implementation of the "Eurozone", including the process of the gradual introduction of the single European currency. In this context, an analysis of current developments in the European Union with a special focus on the specification of contemporary economic problems that are currently being addressed by promoting the so-called. "Emergency" measures. Since it is an unusual political decisions extremely important economic and social impacts, the content is analyzed in system contexts, to assess their usefulness, respectively. risk not only with respect to future economic development of the European Union, but also in terms of usefulness with regard to the European population and human society.
In distance education, the student's high educational autonomy and active participation in the learning process are key features of the educational process that contribute to the concept of self-regulated learning in this environment, as they make the learner responsible for acquiring the knowledge through fact-finding and reflective learning practices. In this context, the work looks at the contribution of the Written Works and Group Consultative Meetings in supporting self-regulated learning strategies in the education environment of the Hellenic Open University. In particular, the purpose of the work is to explore how the Written Works and Group Consultative Meetings activate the mechanism for the expression of self-regulated learning for apprentices in the context of the educational autonomy that the OR offers through its curricula. The investigation is based on the literature review of distance education and self-regulated learning. The conclusions of the survey show that written work and group consultative meetings in the OR are areas for teaching, communication, collaborative management and evaluation negotiations and therefore important pedagogical tools to support self-regulated learning and, in particular, self-assessment strategies, self-monitoring, search for information, search for assistance and time management, which demonstrates the need for effective planning and organisation in providing them. ; Στην εξ αποστάσεως εκπαίδευση η υψηλή μορφωτική αυτονομία και η ενεργητική συμμετοχή του μαθητευόμενου στην διαδικασία μάθησης αποτελούν κυρίαρχα χαρακτηριστικά της εκπαιδευτικής διεργασίας που συντείνουν στην έννοια της αυτο-ρυθμιζόμενης μάθησης στο περιβάλλον αυτό, δεδομένου ότι καθιστούν υπεύθυνο τον μαθητευόμενο για την κατάκτηση της γνώσης μέσα από πρακτικές διερευνητικής και ανακαλυπτικής μάθησης. Στο πλαίσιο αυτό, η εργασία μελετά τη συμβολή των Γραπτών Εργασιών και των Ομαδικών Συμβουλευτικών Συναντήσεων στην υποστήριξη στρατηγικών αυτο-ρυθμιζόμενης μάθησης στο περιβάλλον εκπαίδευσης του ...
This article deals with a history of the Association of the Romanies in Moravia (SRM), one of the most-known organizations of Romanies. The SRM, having a seat in Brno, is connected with it´s leader Karel Holomek, who is the core of the SRM activities. The SRM activities relate to culture, education of children and young, legal and social services, cooperation with the Museum of Romany Culture, etc. It also publishes semi-monthly periodical Romano hangos that has become quite respectable. The SRM is characteristic by an effort to solve the Romany-Czech coexistence problems in a balanced way. ; This article deals with a history of the Association of the Romanies in Moravia (SRM), one of the most-known organizations of Romanies. The SRM, having a seat in Brno, is connected with it´s leader Karel Holomek, who is the core of the SRM activities. The SRM activities relate to culture, education of children and young, legal and social services, cooperation with the Museum of Romany Culture, etc. It also publishes semi-monthly periodical Romano hangos that has become quite respectable. The SRM is characteristic by an effort to solve the Romany-Czech coexistence problems in a balanced way.
Es handelt sich um die erste zusammenhängende Ausgabe mit Kommentar des Kalenderhandbuches, das mit seinen Texten eine wichtige Quelle zur Geschichte, Verwaltung und zu den religiösen Mentalitäten in der Stadt Rom im 4. Jahrhundert n.Chr. darstellt. ; The first coherent and handy edition with commentaries of one oft he most important sources for history, administration and religious mentalities of the city of Rome in the 4th century A.D. ; The collection of pictures, lists and short notes, known as the "Chronography of 354" or the "Calendar of Filocalus" is a calendar handbook for the year 354 C.E. Of the thirteen texts, four are Christian documents; the remaining are witnesses of Roman administration and provide no clue for Christianity, or at times even attestations to the Roman religiosity of the Republic and the Imperial Time. The handbook contents can be distinguished by whether it has pictures or just text. Given the complexity of the present form of its constituents, the calendar handbook is an important source for the politic administrative history of the late-Constantine time, for the history of the transformation of religious mentalities, and for the success of the story of Christianity in the city of Rome. The following texts are especially noteworthy: (1) The consular fasti from the beginning of the consulate up to the year 354 CE, for the Roman History and the families that dominated it; (2) the yearly calendar for those festivals celebrated in late-Constantine time with their political and religio-historical dimension, which influenced the history of everyday life of the city; (3) the Catalogus Liberianus, the oldest Roman book of the popes, which together with the lists of the Deposito episcoporum and the Deposito martyrum, the oldest feriale of any Christian Church, is important for the Church of Rome and its conception of history. Notwithstanding a century-long history of editions and commentaries of the calendar handbook, there is up to the present no connected edition and commentary of the pertinent texts, only critical editions of individual parts. This is related to the complex tradition process and the preserved late manuscripts of the 16th and the 17th Century. This poses a range of problems, which this edition and its commentaries tackle: (a) what all was part of the original calendar (b) when did the different texts and their redactions, which lead to the expansions, come into being (c) the perennial research problem of the relationship between the traditional Roman religion and Christianity, for which the texts of the chronographs provide crucial evidence (d) the position of the calendar handbook in the history of book illustration in Late Antiquity. Furthermore, since Mommsen's classical edition, a host of individual problems have been identified, which affect very different scientific endeavours, ranging from the studies of classical antiquities to theology and from cultural sciences to astronomy. Vol. I.: lntroduction with the history of research and the manuscript tradition, Frontispice, Dedicatio, Imagines imperatorum, Natales Caesarum, the week of the planets, the months.
Es handelt sich um die erste zusammenhängende Ausgabe mit Kommentar des Kalenderhandbuches, das mit seinen Texten eine wichtige Quelle zur Geschichte, Verwaltung und zu den religiösen Mentalitäten in der Stadt Rom im 4. Jahrhundert n.Chr. darstellt. ; The first coherent and handy edition with commentaries of one oft he most important sources for history, administration and religious mentalities of the city of Rome in the 4th century A.D. ; The collection of pictures, lists and short notes, known as the "Chronography of 354" or the "Calendar of Filocalus" is a calendar handbook for the year 354 C.E. Of the thirteen texts, four are Christian documents; the remaining are witnesses of Roman administration and provide no clue for Christianity, or at times even attestations to the Roman religiosity of the Republic and the Imperial Time. The handbook contents can be distinguished by whether it has pictures or just text. Given the complexity of the present form of its constituents, the calendar handbook is an important source for the politic administrative history of the late-Constantine time, for the history of the transformation of religious mentalities, and for the success of the story of Christianity in the city of Rome. The following texts are especially noteworthy: (1) The consular fasti from the beginning of the consulate up to the year 354 CE, for the Roman History and the families that dominated it; (2) the yearly calendar for those festivals celebrated in late-Constantine time with their political and religio-historical dimension, which influenced the history of everyday life of the city; (3) the Catalogus Liberianus, the oldest Roman book of the popes, which together with the lists of the Deposito episcoporum and the Deposito martyrum, the oldest feriale of any Christian Church, is important for the Church of Rome and its conception of history. Notwithstanding a century-long history of editions and commentaries of the calendar handbook, there is up to the present no connected edition and commentary of the pertinent texts, only critical editions of individual parts. This is related to the complex tradition process and the preserved late manuscripts of the 16th and the 17th century. This poses a range of problems, which this edition and its commentaries tackle: (a) what all was part of the original calendar (b) when did the different texts and their redactions, which lead to the expansions, come into being (c) the perennial research problem of the relationship between the traditional Roman religion and Christianity, for which the texts of the chronographs provide crucial evidence (d) the position of the calendar handbook in the history of book illustration in LateAntiquity. Furthermore, since Mommsen's classical edition, a host of individual problems have been identified, which affect very different scientific endeavours, ranging from the studies of classical antiquities to theology and from cultural sciences to astronomy. Vol. 2: Fasti Consulares, Praefecti urbis Romae 254 - 354 A.D., Cpomputus Paschalis, Depositio martyrum, Depositio Episcoporum, Catalogus Liberianus
In this article its author wanted to treat the history and presence of the system constitutional institutions competent for the area of conception, execution and control of security and defence policy of the Czech Republic and also addresses in short the function and content of the main security documents of the country. The author tried to sketch the institutional and documentary framework of the Czech security policy and to explain roles, relations and obligations of the highest-level constitutional bodies in the process of creation and carrying out of this policy (especially positions of the President, the Parliament, the Government and its so called power ministries and other important institutions). This text does not take a lot all this theme in detail, but it is more aimed at basic information and its target is to expound these problems to those interested, especially to foreign students. ; In this article its author wanted to treat the history and presence of the system constitutional institutions competent for the area of conception, execution and control of security and defence policy of the Czech Republic and also addresses in short the function and content of the main security documents of the country. The author tried to sketch the institutional and documentary framework of the Czech security policy and to explain roles, relations and obligations of the highest-level constitutional bodies in the process of creation and carrying out of this policy (especially positions of the President, the Parliament, the Government and its so called power ministries and other important institutions). This text does not take a lot all this theme in detail, but it is more aimed at basic information and its target is to expound these problems to those interested, especially to foreign students.
The study examines public's perceptions of the political climate in the Slovak society before the Parliamentary Elections scheduled for 2002. It compares public's opinions and views during two specific periods-In October 1997-a year before Parliamentary Elections (three years into Vladimir Mečiar's government) and in September 2001 (approximately 3 years into the government of Mikulaš Dzurinda). Findings of two separate empirical sociological surveys, one conducted in October 1997, other in September 2001, conducted by the Institute for Public Affairs form the basis for analysis. The results of the analysis showed that despite the fact that the public perceived the socio-political situation as gradually worsening after the 1998 Parliamentary elections, their perceptions as recorded in September 2001, are qualitatively of a different nature than those observed in October 1997 (Vladimir Mečiar's government). This difference was observed mainly in the area of public's perception of problems in the society, evaluation of developments in specific areas [in society], as well as the degree of public's pre-election expectations. When it comes to public opinion, the general mood before the 2002 elections is dictated predominantly by the problems in the economy and the social sphere-it is not caused by any shortcomings in guaranteeing democracy and the rule of law, as was the case before 1998 election. ; The study examines public's perceptions of the political climate in the Slovak society before the Parliamentary Elections scheduled for 2002. It compares public's opinions and views during two specific periods-In October 1997-a year before Parliamentary Elections (three years into Vladimir Mečiar's government) and in September 2001 (approximately 3 years into the government of Mikulaš Dzurinda). Findings of two separate empirical sociological surveys, one conducted in October 1997, other in September 2001, conducted by the Institute for Public Affairs form the basis for analysis. The results of the analysis showed that ...
Energy security is one of the most topical and important issues, both at the EU and member states level. This is a fact, not only in the context of climate change policy and common energy market design, but also in the light of the dynamics of EU external energy relations, with the latter recently gaining in importance. The Czech discourse on energy security is no exception and mirrors the development in the EU-wide debate. This claim is based not only on the analysis of events and the subsequent debate on energy security in the Czech Republic regarding the period from 2006 to 2010 (e.g. the natural gas crisis, Presidency of the Council of the EU, the question of energy import dependence), i.e. the period between the last two parliamentary elections with minor overlaps, but also on the three applied criteria of national interest – relevance, consensus, and external acceptability. The discourse on external energy relations of the Czech Republic is relevant, shows signs of consensus, and, from an EU perspective, could be considered as acceptable. Therefore, the external energy relations meet the criteria of the Czech national interest.
While reading academic papers and books on political regimes in Central Europe, one can become aware of an interesting and remarkable fact: these regimes (forms of government) are classified rather differently. Whereas some scholars tend to approach them as parliamentary regimes, others classify them as semi-presidential ones. The major dividing line between these two perspectives runs between a large group of English-writing scholars based outside Central Europe and those from Central Europe itself. Having reviewed a large number of relevant studies in this field, the authors of this article argue that the key reason for the different assessments of Central European regimes resides mainly in a different theoretical (but also methodological) approach, which has important implications when considering how these regimes are treated in various studies. Whereas the group of English-writing scholars tends to adopt a minimalist institutional definition suggested by Robert Elgie, most Central European scholars prefer an approach (inspired by Duverger or Sartori) that emphasizes presidential powers, which are irrelevant to Elgie's definition. ; While reading academic papers and books on political regimes in Central Europe, one can become aware of an interesting and remarkable fact: these regimes (forms of government) are classified rather differently. Whereas some scholars tend to approach them as parliamentary regimes, others classify them as semi-presidential ones. The major dividing line between these two perspectives runs between a large group of English-writing scholars based outside Central Europe and those from Central Europe itself. Having reviewed a large number of relevant studies in this field, the authors of this article argue that the key reason for the different assessments of Central European regimes resides mainly in a different theoretical (but also methodological) approach, which has important implications when considering how these regimes are treated in various studies. Whereas the group of ...
Parties are essential components of a political system, since they provide access to the decision-making process for the citizens. In democratic society they have to execute some basic functions (e.g. interest aggregation, articulation and representation). For this they need material and financial resources. In the recent year funding of the parties must deal with growing expensiveness on the one hand, and on the other with bribery and corruption (which can seriously damage citizens' confidence in the democratic system). Even the most democratic countries have from time to time problem with this unacceptable social phenomena. And it is more important to avoid it in transition countries and in so-called "new democracies" – as central and east European countries, where the democracy is not stabile enough. In this article we focus on the case of Slovakia. We try to outline party finances system and analyse financial resources structure. There are two main models of parties financing, one based on private finances and second based on public resources. Apart from serious defects in laws (still present in Slovak legislation), the main problem of parties financing in Slovakia is growing rate of public party subvention (what can negatively affect parties' independence on the state) and reducing number of party subjects, which participate on it.
Michalis P. Liberatos, Historical Time and the interpretations of the history of the Greek Civil War: the methodological problemsThe idea of historical time is crucial from a methodological point of view as far as the study of political and social history are concerned. Especially about the history of the Greek Civil War, a period that convulsed public opinion and caused scientific interpretations overwhelmed by ideological and epistemological «burdens». The most important of them is the idea of a time constant, continual, without turnovers and breaks, that is time in the «common sense». This «time», according to its origins, self-determines its evolution, its «determination» explains all of the aspects and the historical stages and facts. This is the traditional assumption that change has always to be explained in terms of something fixed and unchangeable. As for the policy of the Greek Communist Party this notion of time provokes some historians to an explanation that associates this policy with the origins of its philosophical program and not with the «real history». This approach avoids to enquiry into the adaptation of this program to the demands of political relations in time, to counter policies and as a specification of social representations. It is mainly an unaltered policy that arises as the outcome of an assemblage of antecedent events that compose a passage of identities. Because of this domination of this notion of the «continuity» of time, the study of Greek Civil War reproduced the ideological configurations of the past. Therefore it has degraded very important aspects of historical reality, without giving adequate answers about them. These are the question of the deepest tasks of KKE and its strategy, the causes of the unscheduled creation of Democratic Army (ΔΣΕ) in the mountains, the role of the rival political powers, the extent of the possibilities of a negotiation, the relation between Greeks and the Great Powers. As the recent historical enquiries has showed —the edition of a book of Ph. Iliou signalled a new era in the interpretation of this period— a different methodological attitude is perhaps primarily useful on account of the errors it enables one to avoid, in particular in constructing the historical object. This article presents the implication between the dominant notion of «time», the difficulties in explanations and with the ability to overcome the epistemological «burdens» if is to be called into question the idea of historical time. This is important in order to break away from some presuppositions that are tacitly accepted by some historians. This new notion of time sweeps away the naively idealistic view of continuity, that traditional approaches have raised. Because it is history and the internal dynamic which carries evolution and not the historical unchanged «purposes». ; Michalis P. Liberatos, Historical Time and the interpretations of the history of the Greek Civil War: the methodological problemsThe idea of historical time is crucial from a methodological point of view as far as the study of political and social history are concerned. Especially about the history of the Greek Civil War, a period that convulsed public opinion and caused scientific interpretations overwhelmed by ideological and epistemological «burdens». The most important of them is the idea of a time constant, continual, without turnovers and breaks, that is time in the «common sense». This «time», according to its origins, self-determines its evolution, its «determination» explains all of the aspects and the historical stages and facts. This is the traditional assumption that change has always to be explained in terms of something fixed and unchangeable. As for the policy of the Greek Communist Party this notion of time provokes some historians to an explanation that associates this policy with the origins of its philosophical program and not with the «real history». This approach avoids to enquiry into the adaptation of this program to the demands of political relations in time, to counter policies and as a specification of social representations. It is mainly an unaltered policy that arises as the outcome of an assemblage of antecedent events that compose a passage of identities. Because of this domination of this notion of the «continuity» of time, the study of Greek Civil War reproduced the ideological configurations of the past. Therefore it has degraded very important aspects of historical reality, without giving adequate answers about them. These are the question of the deepest tasks of KKE and its strategy, the causes of the unscheduled creation of Democratic Army (ΔΣΕ) in the mountains, the role of the rival political powers, the extent of the possibilities of a negotiation, the relation between Greeks and the Great Powers. As the recent historical enquiries has showed —the edition of a book of Ph. Iliou signalled a new era in the interpretation of this period— a different methodological attitude is perhaps primarily useful on account of the errors it enables one to avoid, in particular in constructing the historical object. This article presents the implication between the dominant notion of «time», the difficulties in explanations and with the ability to overcome the epistemological «burdens» if is to be called into question the idea of historical time. This is important in order to break away from some presuppositions that are tacitly accepted by some historians. This new notion of time sweeps away the naively idealistic view of continuity, that traditional approaches have raised. Because it is history and the internal dynamic which carries evolution and not the historical unchanged «purposes».
The goal of this contribution is to evaluate the relevance of the institutional factors and the influence of the single variables on the corruption. The key task is to find not only suitable indicator of the amount of corruption but also suitable approximants of institutional characteristics, else economical characteristics. The important advantage of this article is its focus also on the corruption measured by alternative ways, compared to the often used CPI. From the institutional characteristic view for the corruption fight seems to be important stable legal background. Not less important is also the government stability and its accountability. In the contradiction with the expected hypotheses claiming the strong and resistant bureaucracy to be beneficial against the corruption fight, almost all executed analysis is based on the contra productivity of the bureaucracy independency on the corruption fight. It is also important to mention that the direct and indirect taxes vary with their influence on the corruption. ; Web of Science ; 60 ; 2 ; 186 ; 167
The theme is crucial to the concrete question, whether moravian identity really exists. It´s about phenomena which is natural and important for some parts of population or on the other hand we can see this identity as the artificial problem. The main goal is connecting with results from the field work. I would like to explain something about moravian political elites according to the non-political activism. It´s also necessary to mark historical processes which are important for present time. The polemic should have done some reflexive view on regionalism, activation of moravian elites and civic movements. ; The theme is crucial to the concrete question, whether moravian identity really exists. It´s about phenomena which is natural and important for some parts of population or on the other hand we can see this identity as the artificial problem. The main goal is connecting with results from the field work. I would like to explain something about moravian political elites according to the non-political activism. It´s also necessary to mark historical processes which are important for present time. The polemic should have done some reflexive view on regionalism, activation of moravian elites and civic movements.
This article deals with the theory and practice of Slovak referendum. Special aim is concentrated on referendum in 1997 (held on NATO accession and on the direct election of the president of the Slovak Republic). Generally speaking referendums brought with a lot of problems. Their outcome was polarization of society and political elite. All Slovak referendums were unsuccessful (with the exception of last referendum – euro referendum in 2003). Concerning the consolidation of Slovak democracy referendums had a negative impact. ; This article deals with the theory and practice of Slovak referendum. Special aim is concentrated on referendum in 1997 (held on NATO accession and on the direct election of the president of the Slovak Republic). Generally speaking referendums brought with a lot of problems. Their outcome was polarization of society and political elite. All Slovak referendums were unsuccessful (with the exception of last referendum – euro referendum in 2003). Concerning the consolidation of Slovak democracy referendums had a negative impact.
Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Alexander Helladius (ca. 1686- ?) from Larissa was an important Greek intellectual and made a name for himself in Western Europe through his studies and activities in various countries. The objective of this paper is to examine his relations with Russia, the emerging political and military power of the Orthodox East at the beginning of the eighteenth century. Helladius met with Peter the Great through the help of Robert Erskine, Peter's personal physician, in Karlsbad in 1712 and decided to dedicate his magnum opus Status praesens Ecclesiae Graecae [Altdorf] (1714) to the Czar as a sign of extreme admiration and as a token of gratitude. Probably, through that act Helladius was intending to secure his future move to Russia, where numerous Greeks were living and working at that time including some of his friends (e.g., Anastasios Michail from Nausea). Helladius arrived to Moscow in September of 1715 and was employed as a physician, since he had studied medicine earlier at the University of Altdorf. Although his further whereabouts in Russia still remain unknown, Helladius played several years later indirectly a role through his book Status in the condemnation of his compatriots, Serapheim from Mytilini in 1732 and Liverios Golettis in 1734. Russia's most eminent ecclesiastical figure at that time, Feofan Prokopovich, used the information provided by Helladius in his Status about these two persons as additional evidence in order to achieve their condemnation. It is hoped that the investigation of archival material in the future will shed more light on Helladius' activities in Russia and will unearth an ignored side of the Graeco-Russian relations of that period.
