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In 2009, the "Playing Out" project was set up in Bristol in the United Kingdom by a parent-led community group who were seeking to address concerns about the lack of freedom for young people to play outside. Playing Out has, as its primary purpose, supporting children to "play out" where they live through providing the space within which children might engage in informal play and physical activity, while also improving relations between neighbors and developing a sense of community. This paper examines the potential of Playing Out for fostering community cohesion by undertaking interviews with participants, officials and policy-makers, alongside some observation of Playing Out events, between 2013 and 2016. In particular, we evaluate the significance of social capital for the development, and success, of a community-led initiative to influence policy outcomes and increase physical activity levels in the local population, giving consideration to the ways in which social movement concepts build on, and strengthen, social capital. In many societies, such activities take place within a context of neoliberalism, where social order is viewed as being dependent on individual responsibility: governments are deregulated, social programs are cut and/or privatized, and social problems have to be solved by individual, private solutions. Our findings draw on the work of Putnam (1993, 1996, 2000) to demonstrate that social capital is both cause and effect in the success of initiatives such as Playing Out, and that when social capital is combined with elements of a social movement, there can be more fundamental and sustained outcomes.

STUDENT MOVEMENT-WORKERS' MOVEMENT-SOLDIERS' MOVEMENT IS ONE OF THE MODELS FOR TERMINATING DICTATORSHIPS, THE 1989 DEMOCRACY MOVEMENT ACHIEVED THE FIRST STEP BY MOBILIZING MOST OF THE STUDENTS. THE UPHEAVAL ALSO ACCOMPLISHED SOME OF THE SECOND STEP - THE PARTICIPATION OF THE WORKERS. IN THE WORK ON SOLDIERS, FIRST COMES PERSUASION, THIS STATEMENT CALLS FOR THE "STUDENT MOVEMENT-WORKERS' MOVEMENT-SOLDIERS' MOVEMENT" TO EMERGE DURING THE NEXT DEMOCRACY MOVEMENT, LEADING TO THE TERMINATION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY'S DESPOTISM.

This paper examines how oppositional groups go about exploiting opportunities to mobilizeen massein settings that are less than auspicious. The Green Movement is used here as a case study, the aim of which is to show that understanding how a people go about mobilizing requires, first and foremost, examining the core beliefs that motivate them toseize opportunitieswhen conditions allow. To this end, a constructivist approach will be used to demonstrate that it was the oppositional forces that took a proactive role in constructing opportunities to mobilize becausethey perceivedthe circumstances to be favorable, which suggests that greater attention ought to be focused on the sociopolitical and historical context within which a given situation is viewed as conducive to mass mobilization. Citing the examples of the student and women's groups involved in Iran's Green Movement, and tracing their historical trajectories and particular experiences during Ahmadinejad's first term (2004–2008), I argue that the Green Movement may be best described as a 'movement of movements,' the kind of mega social movement capable of harnessing the potential, not only of Iranians but of other Middle East peoples, to mobilize with a view to pursuing specific social and political goals. This approach has the virtue of offeringa way to understandspecific traits of social movements operating in repressive settings.

Out of the dissatisfaction with the 2021 UN Climate Change Conference in Glasgow, Brazilian popular movements came together to propose measures to defend life on Earth.

Attempts to explain the emergence of the peace movement in the 1980s often point to factors like fear of nuclear weapons, Soviet manipulation of public opinion in the West and NATO's double-track decision in 1979. Among these, the author emphasizes the third factor. He argues that NATO's double track de cision made the threat of nuclear war seem nearer and more real, thus motivating people to involve themselves in the peace movement. The author also introduces a fourth factor, arguing that anti- establishment attitudes constitute the most important single impulse behind the emergence of the peace movement in the 1980s. The movement reflects a subculture which is permanently pitted against establishment norms. It is this environment of critical attitudes, rather than a quest for peace or an op position against nuclear weapons, which induces people to involve themselves in the peace movement. The author substantiates this thesis through a discussion of the social groups which tend to actively sup port the peace movement, the political preferences of the peace activists and their goals and methods. The peace movement is also shown in a historical perspective, which emphasizes its relationship with other popular movements of the post-war era.